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The dramatic work of Peruvian playwright Víctor Zavala Cataño (Huamantanga, 1932) provides a proposal of vindication of Peruvian peasantry based on a Marxist reading of the Andean reality. Through the analysis of his transcendental volume Teatro Campesino (1969) and the later Teatro popular I (1984) this contribution traces the ideological and artistic traits of these texts. In this sense, two different aspects should be pointed out: on the one hand, the portrait of the indigenous peasant as an autonomous political subject, who is willing to react against the source of his and her oppression in a revolutionary way. On the other hand, it highlights Zavala’s efforts to adapt Bertolt Brecht’s teachings to the Peruvian context to build his political and artistic discourses. Therefore, his plays are a link with previous indigenista Peruvian literary tradition, using mainly the dramatic work. The importance given to the indigenous peasant in Zavala’s work happens to be a breakthrough in the Peruvian theatrical tradition, and takes a path that many authors and theatrical groups will thoroughly follow in the years to come.

Contact between indigenous groups and colonial agents in the Chaco region has been characterized by a complex, unstable relationship that was constituted by fluctuations between pacific approaches and hostile retreats. Taking as a starting point the analysis of instances, registered in 18th century documents, in which thefts were perpetrated by the indigenous people and traffic of objects with the settlers was implemented through illegal commerce, it is sought to demonstrate how the indigenous people of Chaco forged their alliances and enmities as a means not only of adapting to the economic practices imposed by the colonial presence, but also of integrating arrangements and elements foreign to their everyday social reproduction practices, such as reciprocity, feasting, and war.

As a result of recent processes of decentralization, empowerment and heritage return, together with community museology, recently it has been praised the participation of Latin American indigenous communities in the heritage configuration and protection. However, the history of the relationship between indigenous communities and cultural institutions concerning heritage management comes from a long tradition. The aim of this article is to analyze, through exploration reports from some of the most renowned experts in Mexican indigenismo, the relationships that were established throughout 20th Century in the state of Oaxaca between cultural institutions and municipalities on heritage protection.

This article analyzes applied anthropology in Mexico from the professional trajectory of the anthropologist Salomón Nahmad with the purpose of exploring the confluence between autobiographical narrative, ethnographic text, politicalideological context and the formulation of anthropological theories and concepts as a response to practical problems. The aim is to understand this style of anthropology, its variations throughout the career of the anthropologist, and then, from the perspective of anthropology practiced in Brazil, to make some notes about the relationship between anthropology and indigenism.

This paper examines how far political projects and aspirations dear to Guinean nationalists were actually achieved and implemented after 40 years of Guinea-Bissau’s independence. Reviewing the political instabilities and economic failures that have taken place after the independence, the general conclusion is optimistic. It argues that despite the enormous challenges related to the process of state formation, the nationbuilding process headed by Guinean Creole Society has unexpectedly advanced.

Final remarks by Hélgio Trindade on the comments by Alexandre Pinheiro Ramos.

How to treat the Indians? During the first half of the 20th century, with the rise of the indigenismo and under the influence of positivist ideas, this old colonial question reappeared in Latin America in the field of criminal law. A major part of the debate over the legal status of Indian criminals revolved around who exactly was the Indian that deserved or needed a special penal treatment. This question will be examined here mainly in the context of Peru, where the 1924 Penal Code introduced new legal categories of Indian criminals, and also in two Bolivian legislative proposals that sought to adapt the criminal law to “the Indian reality” of their country. The ways by which these criminal categories were interpreted by Peruvian courts and reformulated by various Peruvian and Bolivian legislative proposals, reshaped internal boundaries within these nations, and implicitly redefined the term “Indian” itself. In the Peruvian context, they also reflected the changes in the indigenismo during the 1920s-1940s.

In the present paper, the intention is to analyze the constitution of the movement Idle More, the ideas that sustain it, as well as the evolution of the political practices of the Indigenous movement from the 1960s to the present. We choose to combine Bourdieu’s concept of field with settler colonial studies to understand how the indigenist field and the kind of resources or capital for which the distinct actors compete determine the limitations of the liberal recognition. It is argued here that the Idle No More movement doesn’t solely oppose the liberal recognition of Indigenous identity and Indigenous rights, but also aims at reclaiming and reconstituting Indigenous spaces autonomous from the State, as well as to redefine the discussion about Indigenous rights.

Review of: FREIRE, Américo; FERREIRA, Jorge. A razão indignada – Leonel Brizola em dois tempos (1961-1964 e 1979-2004). Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2016.