Repositório RCAAP

Abstract This article focuses on the problem of regarding regions as secondary features of the international/global dimension, and on the prevailing geopolitical imagery for thinking about and arguing with regions in IR. However, in contrast with the supposedly value-free vocabulary utilised for discussing regions in IR, the act of defining them in cartographic terms, or as a middle ground between national and international politics, is always a political one. In this article, I explore the politics of scaling in respect of regions and regional politics, and suggest that, if regions are understood as artifacts instead of self-evident entities fitting into a neat framework of levels, and disconnected from political struggles, this would assist the analysis and discussion of regions in theory as well as highlight other dynamics surrounding the complex and varied political projects, geographies and subjectivities that could be characterised as ‘regional’.

Abstract This article examines the degree to which Mercosur conforms with theories of regional integration, taking into consideration its institutionalisation, its particular characteristics, the characteristics of its member states, and its impact on policy arrangements among those member states. It also compares Mercosur to the European Union. I conclude that theories of integration fail to provide a full explanation of the process of regional integration in Mercosur.

Abstract This article discusses arms trade policies from an international security perspective. Arms transfers are widely treated as political issues even when economic incentives exist. They affect bilateral and multilateral relations among suppliers, countries receiving the arms, non-state actors, taxpayers, and victims. Following the agreement to build Swedish SAAB Gripen NG fighter jets in Brazil, more may be produced for sale to third countries. This, in turn, calls for a review of Brazil’s arms transfer policy. In this instance, Sweden’s principled arms sales model could serve as a basis for a revised Brazilian arms transfer policy as well.

Abstract Foreign policy’s role in promoting a country’s development is a matter of great importance for understanding its national trajectory, especially in the case of an emerging country. This article aims to analyse lines of action of foreign policy that help emerging countries’ development. In order to do so, it has as its main hypothesis that six lines of action work together towards that goal: (a) trade promotion; (b) investment policy; (c) economic, financial, and commercial negotiations; (d) resource exploration rights; (e) international co-operation; and (f) international projection. To verify their applicability, it analyses the cases of two emerging countries, Brazil and Turkey.

Abstract In 2011, Brazil finally approved a Freedom of Information (FOI) Act that recognises and regulates the right to public information. However, scholars have paid insufficient attention to its impact on Brazilian foreign policy. How has the Brazilian ministry of foreign affairs responded and adapted to this new law? Has it been adequately implemented, and if not, in what ways? Also, how do these challenges in promoting transparent foreign policy connect to the broader debate about democratising Brazilian foreign policy? This article analyses the implementation of the FOI Act by mapping all the requests for information refused by the foreign affairs ministry since 2012, and exploring its legal and political justifications for withholding information. We further argue that the ministry’s adherence to the law is an important factor in the democratisation of foreign policy-making in Brazil.

Abstract The study of the role played by bureaucracies contributed substantively to the analysis of the domestic determinants of foreign policy outcomes, particularly by softening the premise of the state as a unitary-rational actor. However, the potential of focusing on bureaucracies to analyse US trade policy outcomes has been severely underestimated by the most recent IPE scholarship, which tends to focus on the Congress and interest groups, and to consider the Executive a unitary actor. Based on elements of the bureaucratic politics model, this article uses evidence from the US trade policy during Clinton’s administration (1993–2001) in order to present arguments regarding how and when bureaucratic conflicts matter the most, and highlight the relevance of these conflicts in the trade decision-making process.

No summary/description provided

Abstract The importance of the oceans to humankind has been studied throughout the centuries, including in the fields of co-operation and conflict. This think piece synthesises discussions in international politics of some of the characteristics of oceans, especially discussions in the strategic-military domain, It contests those who consider oceans as a “barrier”, and alternatively defends that oceans are a critical enabler that allows the generation of wealth, projection of military forces, and the influence of the international politics in war or peace.

Abstract Analysts frequently label the BRICS grouping of states (Brazil, India, Russia, China, and South Africa) as primarily an economic club emphasising economic performances as primary objectives. Co-operation of international groupings are rarely, if ever, set within the context of their access to maritime interests, security, and benefits. A second void stems from the lack of emphasis upon the economic benefits of secured maritime domains. In this vein, a common, but neglected aspect of the BRICS grouping’s power and future influence resides in their maritime domains, the value of which ultimately depends upon the responsible governance and use of ocean territories. The maritime interests of BRICS countries only become meaningful if reinforced by maritime security governance and co-operation in the respective oceans. Presently China and India seem to dominate the maritime stage of BRICS, but the South Atlantic is an often overlooked space. For BRICS the value of the South Atlantic stems from how it secures and unlocks the potential of this maritime space through co-operative ventures between Brazil, South Africa as a late BRICS partner, and West African littoral states in particular. Unfortunately, BRICS holds its own maritime tensions, as member countries also pursue competing interests at sea.

Abstract This article analyses the determining factors affecting the land market in Brazil in an international context where the availability of natural resources, essential to satisfy the population worldwide, is again heading the agenda. This scenario provoked a rapid expansion of agribusiness and enhanced international participation based on the relative abundance of natural resources. The first part of this article presents the spatial dynamics surrounding the production of commodities and gives evidence of the sharp increase in land price in Brazil. The second part attempts to understand the factors that affect price dynamics and subsequent effects over capital allocation in the sector, addressing the impact of the recent boom of commodities and rising interest by foreign actors in Brazilian land. The conclusion elaborates on the possible land pricing developments and political unfolding.

Abstract In this article, I analyse key statements by the Brazilian government about environmental issues during two important decades, from 1972 to 1992. I identify the specific subjects addressed by Brazilian spokespersons, and the rhetorical strategies they adopted for doing so. I conclude that these spokespersons largely adopted a defensive posture in response to mounting international pressures on a range of environmental issues, while using various rhetorical devices to highlight the positive dimension of the government’s environmental policies and initiatives.

Abstract This article focuses on how urban security has been governed in Mumbai in the aftermath of the 2008 terrorist attacks (26/11). The event was widely cited as a major turning point in the securitisation and militarisation of Indian cities. It also produced significant political upheaval, which in turn generated calls for a major institutional overhaul of the governmental architecture for handling terrorism. This article takes the political and policy repercussions of 26/11 as an intervention into critical debates about the (para-)militarisation of policing and the politics of urban security. Here I shift the focus from the disciplinary and divisive effects of policies towards an emphasis on their spectacular and theatrical dimensions. If we are to make sense of the ‘militarised’ focus of the policy response to 26/11, I argue, we need to take seriously its populist, aspirational qualities.

Abstract This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs’ truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace’, ‘criminal and political’, and ‘success and failure’. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political’, may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere.

Abstract Cities have become important actors in international relations, and integral to security and environmental politics. We are living in an increasingly urban world, dominated by human settlements and activities. The central role now played by humans in shaping the planet has led us into an uncertain, unstable, and dangerous geological epoch – the Anthropocene – that poses great and additional challenges to security. Local and global spheres are connected as never before, generating ‘glocal’ issues in which water plays a central role. Water is the element that interconnects the complex web of food, energy, climate, economic growth, and human security. In a rapidly urbanising world, cities influence the hydrological cycle in major but uncertain ways, affecting water resources beyond their boundaries. There is no doubt that these issues are highly relevant to the discipline of International Relations (IR). However, IR scholars have been slow to engage with them, and most academic studies of cities and water security still emanate from the natural sciences. This article examines the ways in which cities in the Anthropocene challenge water security, and why IR needs to reinvent itself if it wants to sustain its contribution to global security.

Abstract At the end of the 1990s, researchers involved in the debate on the new wars introduced discussion about the urban dimension of contemporary conflicts into the International Relations discipline. The innovative debate about urban fragility is one of the many lines of inquiry that emerge within the framework of the relationship between cities and contemporary conflicts. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the concept of ‘fragile city’ offers a new and relevant analytical framework for understanding contemporary urban violence and inequality. Moreover, this same concept could also be instrumental in making fragile cities the new locus of international humanitarianism. The notion of fragile city emerges to describe new emergency situations more closely linked to urban contexts than to national dynamics, as previously described in the literature on fragile states. The concept of fragile city is a groundbreaking tool for understanding the human consequences of inequality in urban settings, but might also be used as a rhetorical vehicle for the reproduction of old dynamics and the inauguration of new intervention practices in urban areas that were previously inaccessible to humanitarian action, especially cities in Latin America.

Abstract In a phenomenon known as paradiplomacy, cities are playing an increasingly important role in international relations. Through paradiplomacy, cities are co-operating internationally with other cities, and city networks have become important spaces for sharing experiences of and best practices in local public policy. Moreover, security policy is a increasingly important part of local policy-making. In Latin America, the concept of citizen security, based on a democratic and human rights approach, has developed in response to the legacy of authoritarian regimes from the 1960s to the 1980s. This article examines how security policies have been disseminated, discussed and transferred through Mercocities, the main city network in South America.

Abstract This article aims to analyse the increasing militarisation of public space in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro, particularly on the eve of the 2016 Olympics. To this end, I briefly discuss how the concept of militarisation has been historically approached in the International Relations literature, namely within the security field. In the first section, I address the nature of the domestic security challenges Brazil faces as a developing country. In the second section, I show that the public security challenge of organised crime in Rio was securitised and confronted by increasing militarisation over the years as a result of a specific model of neo-liberal social control carried out by the country. I then analyse Brazil’s Olympics security scheme carried out in order to portray Rio as a safe city to the world. In the last section, I highlight the contradictions between accounts on the collapse in domestic security vis-à-vis official government statements to the international media to assure that ‘nothing would go wrong’ during the mega sports event. The idea is to show how the militarisation of public security, rather than mere governmental efforts to signal stability to the international community during the Olympics, is a trend likely to outlast the event that implies not only, but mainly, the perpetuation of insecurity.

Abstract Acapulco epitomises the (in)security of urban zones in the Americas whose geographical, political and economic divisions are exacerbated by the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking, as well as by militarised attempts to fight it. Various geographic, political, and economic factors in the Acapulco Metropolitan Zone (AMZ) have impacted drug trafficking and organised crime and contributed to high levels of violence. As a result, Acapulco now ranks among the 50 most violent cities in the world. This article analyses the trends in drug trafficking and organised crime in the AMZ, and highlights the lessons for scholars and policy-makers.

Abstract The paper claims that it is necessary to seriously consider facts and phenomena beyond the ‘West’ in order to understand and theorise the complex social practices that shape the world. From a Latin American standpoint, it questions the traditional approach to a global matter: the War on Drugs. Researchers usually see this phenomenon in Latin America as reflecting US domination in the region. However, by identifying how and why the drug issue became a matter of security in Latin America and by specifying the collective countermeasures adopted, Latin American participation becomes more apparent in the construction of the international process that gave rise to the normative framework that holds up the War on Drugs: the 1988 Vienna Convention.

Abstract This article focuses on the way in which Eurocentric conceptualisations of the ‘international’ are reproduced in different geopolitical contexts. Even though the Eurocentrism of International Relations has received growing attention, it has predominantly been concerned with unearthing the Eurocentrism of the ‘centre’, overlooking its varied manifestations in other geopolitical contexts. The article seeks to contribute to discussions about Eurocentrism by examining how different conceptualisations of the international are at work at a particular moment, and how these conceptualisations continue to reproduce Eurocentrism. It will focus on the way in which Eurocentric designations of spatial and temporal hierarchies were reproduced in the context of Turkey through a reading of how the ‘Gezi Park protests’ of 2013 and ‘Turkey’ itself were written into the story of the international.