Repositório RCAAP

Abstract This article discusses the process of building a South American defence architecture over the past two decades, culminating in the formation of the South American Defence Council (Consejo de Defensa Suramericano, or CDS). It discusses the main proposals for a regional security mechanism, primarily made by Brazil and Venezuela, analyses the debates around them, and characterises them as different models of regionalism, namely a pluralistic and amalgamated model. I argue that the differences between these models, and the different agendas underpinning them, constitute obstacles to the progress of regional co-operation and integration in the military field. Other obstacles include the overlap of regional defence initiatives, the different options for operationalising ‘extra-regional deterrence’, the relationship between regional countries and extra-regional actors, the inclusion of security issues in the CDS agenda, and the idea of ​​demilitarising borders.

Abstract Although the UN Charter does not explicitly provide for Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs), they have become one of the UN’s most important means of preserving peace and international security. Some of the greatest threats to international peace and security do not occur on ‘UN Member States territory’, but at sea. The internationally significant and long-standing phenomenon of maritime piracy initially led to international action off the coast of Somalia, but other regions affected by criminal acts at sea (including the Straits of Malacca, the Gulf of Guinea and the Mediterranean Sea) are reinforcing the need for international action. In most of these situations, the UN has not acted directly, but called on multilateral or regional bodies to do so. Earlier experiences in PKOs at sea, in Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, and most recently in Lebanon, undertaken by the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), begin to provide a basis for building a naval PKO doctrine. This article argues that it is legitimate for the UN to undertake direct action when facing threats to maritime security, making use of an empirical example and suggests that new instances of criminal acts at sea, such as those in the Gulf of Guinea, may best be dealt with under a direct UN mandate.

Abstract Over the past five years, the South Atlantic region has become a central element of Brazilian security policy, with Brazil actively supporting the notion of a trans-oceanic security consciousness involving African littoral states. It has invested in diplomatic initiatives such as the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA, or ZOPACAS), and extensive military co-operation with West African states such as São Tomé e Príncipe, Namibia and Cape Verde. Its internal security and defence policy documents have repeatedly been updated to reflect this dimension, and now provide the foundation for advancing these initiatives. This policy thrust is directed at securing Brazil’s offshore oil assets, and limiting the influence of what it has termed ‘extra-regional powers’ such as the P-5. This article highlights these initiatives and reviews the prospects for this policy by examining the plausibility of the South Atlantic region as a regional security complex in the sense coined by Buzan and Wæver. The analysis is based on the role of geographical and linguistic proximity in international relations, and the impact of multilateral bodies on building support for a regional approach to security governance.

Abstract This paper aims to examine the importance of co-operation for maritime security in the South Atlantic, focusing on the relationship between the national and sub-regional institutions that have leveraged this process, especially those from Brazil. For this purpose, the diagnosis addresses the debates around the contemporary roles of the navy and the importance of international co-operation for its mission accomplishment, highlighting the tasks judged as subsidiary, among them being that of maritime traffic control. The alignment of these co-operative activities with foreign policy and national defence projects can be seen through the navy’s participation in multilateral co-operation projects involving South America, particularly the Co-ordination for the South Atlantic Maritime Area (CAMAS). The research detects the existence of a particular model of a community of security practice in which national and sub-regional institutions have been generating an important maritime co-operative system, which is more stable than in other areas of co-operation in the same region.

Abstract In the broader context of regional studies, the South Atlantic comes across as a singular, yet still understudied case study for the formation, evolution, and regression of security regionalism dynamics. More so when South Atlantic countries have come to engage in increased regionally focused interactions through wider defence co-operation ties. However, they have also steadfastly eschewed any kind of permanent structures and shared sovereignty over sensitive security issues. This article strives to ascertain the limits and prospects of these regional security dynamics in the South Atlantic. With the focal points set on both South American and African shores, I pinpoint key overtures in this area and question their contribution to advancing an overall regionalisation process. Despite shared threat perceptions and an absence of major intra-regional conflicts, I argue that South Atlantic security regionalism lacks a stable and permanent structure inasmuch as it lacks real autonomy from the dictums of external regional powers, thus leaving the transatlantic space still in flux.

Abstract In this article, we analyse one aspect of Brazilian nuclear policy during the tenure of the Workers Party (2003–2016): the development of a nuclear-propelled submarine. We propose that the project of building a nuclear-propelled submarine has become possible partly because of the mobilisation of a set of arguments for the construction of the South Atlantic as a strategic area, framed in terms of security and development. On the other hand, we contend that the need for a nuclear-propelled submarine is framed through the mobilisation of a specific notion of deterrence. In other words, we claim that the notions of ‘strategic area’, ‘general deterrence’, ‘conventional deterrence’, and ‘deterrence by denial’ can help us analyse the fundamental aspects involved in the framing of the South Atlantic as a security concern, justifying the nuclear-propelled submarine project.

Abstract Soon after the formation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia in 2009, the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) became the epicentre of a conflict over the construction of a road, initiated by Evo Morales’s administration, that would run through the park. Initially undertaken by the Brazilian company OAS, and funded by the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES), the project was justified on the grounds that it would link the departments of Beni and Cochabamba, and bring development to an isolated locality. However, indigenous peoples from the lowlands opposed the scheme, and, together with their counterparts in the Andean region, organised a march that was violently dispersed by the Bolivian armed forces. In this article, I analyse the political processes in this Andean country, notably the reconfiguration of power from 2011 onwards, in parallel with economic measures adopted by the government. I conclude with observations about the relation between the national and regional spheres, arguing that indigenous repression forms part of a new developmentalist agenda.

Abstract The International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) has discussed ways of regulating greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by civil aircraft for almost 20 years. Over the past four years, a consensus has developed about a market-based mechanism in the form of a carbon offset system. This article describes the route to the agreement reached by ICAO’s 39th Assembly, in order to contextualise the results and point out some of its limitations. It points to two main factors that contributed to the consensus: the role of the European Union, which sought to lead the negotiations, and the choice of a flexible and ultimately weak mechanism that received support from the international airlines.

Abstract Drawing on the work of the latest generation of social philosophers institutionally or intellectually linked to the Frankfurt School, this article examines the critical-reconstructive-explanatory methodology that became a distinguishing feature of contemporary critical theory after its ‘reconstructive turn’. The article aims to show how these recent developments can contribute to overcoming the various criticisms that continue to challenge Critical International Relations Theory (CIRT) from a methodological viewpoint, such as its normative and interpretative emphasis at the expense of the empirical dimension of analysis, its inability to provide a substantive explanation of the social pathologies and mechanisms of domination it criticises, its insulation from issues of pluralism and multiculturalism, the absence of debate with outside approaches, and the lack of clarity on how theory connects to practice. After discussing the main aspects of the contemporary critical theory methodology, the article ends with a brief illustration of this methodology using as a basis the critique of the liberal peacebuilding.

Abstract One of the main controversies within the Marxist theory of imperialism centres on the capacity of the capitalist system to organise itself economically and politically. Ultimately, this argument is linked to the notion of system stability: the end of economic crises, and lasting world peace. The famous polemic between Lenin and Kautsky in the early 20th century about whether capitalism could be peacefully managed by the great powers and private corporations that compete for global wealth persists in much of the current debate. Some authors emphasise economic stability, while others highlight political stability, using terms such as globalisation, transnational capital and Empire, but the central idea remains that of a more disciplined capitalist system. This implies that the Marxist concepts of interstate competition and imperialism have become outdated. This article examines the Marxist literature on imperialism which holds that capitalism has become more organised, to the point of overcoming the rivalries between the great powers. It concludes that the argument that capitalism has reached a degree of organisation which invalidates the concept of imperialism is questionable and does not recognise some fundamental features of the capitalist system.

Abstract Since 2004, the US Air Force (USAF) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) have persecuted insurgents in Somalia, Yemen and Pakistan with armed drones. Despite its alleged efficiency, this practice has been widely criticised on the grounds that it contravenes international humanitarian law. In order to understand the controversies involving this practice, we examine how this new technology was linked to and allowed the emergence of a new US international security strategy first applied in the Middle East. Drawing on James Der Derian’s post-structuralist theories about virtuous wars, the sociotechnical approach allowed by Science and Technology Studies (STS), and Gregoire Chamayou’s theories about drones, we argue that the US intention in adopting these technologies was not to enhance its military capability but to allow the USA to remain active in several risky theatres while avoiding the political and social costs of conventional military engagement.

Abstract The main argument of this paper is that the logistical structures of rapid reaction forces offer great dual-use potential. It means they may be used in military operations other than war (MOOTW), such as civil defence or humanitarian assistance. The theoretical model of Haas, Kates and Bowden (1977) is presented in order to defend this argument, as it indicates the utility of intense military actions in the very first moments following a natural disaster due to their ability to rapidly respond in hard-to-access areas. The NATO Response Force humanitarian operation launched to assist the Pakistani government after a major earthquake in 2005 is presented as a practical example. The text concludes by arguing that the dual-use potential of military logistics is an important way to justify the high financial costs of rapid response forces in times of defence budget constraints while also providing other than war operations capabilities, such as civil defence support.

Abstract This article analyses attempts to reform the United Nations Security Council from a historical-institutional perspective. It argues that the possibilities for reform have suffered from a ‘lock-in’ effect that has rendered the UN resistant to change. On the other hand, the UN decision-making process has evolved since its establishment, especially since the end of the Cold War, in response to new power aspirations, making it more representative and legitimate. The Security Council has also undergone continuous informal reform that has allowed it to adapt to new times.

Abstract This article analyses South-South initiatives for building an intellectual property (IP) flexibilities agenda, highlighting the particularities in this specific area of international relations as well as the difficulties encountered in building a common position. I start by outlining the changes and transformational dynamics in the international regime for the protection of IP, and examining how these changes, notably the proliferation of TRIPS-plus rules through preferential agreements, affect developing countries. Next, I examine the development of South-South collaboration as a strategic option for maintaining the policy space developing countries need to develop legal frameworks attuned to their specific needs and interests, and for building norms that strengthen IP flexibilities. I conclude that a strong and more purposeful response by countries like Brazil, India and China has been difficult to achieve for several reasons: i) the diversity of forms of protection included in the international negotiations; ii) the multiplicity of areas and public policies affected by IP regulations; and iii) domestic economic changes in developing countries.

Abstract The formation of international co-operative arrangements with different scopes and structures has been growing in the international system. Brazil has frequently participated in these groups, forming a complex diplomatic framework where it coexists and interacts with regional blocs, international organisations, groups, and coalitions. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to investigate the commercial effects provoked by the international co-operative arrangements, observing in particular two cases from the Brazilian point of view: IBSA (India-Brazil-South Africa Group) and CPLP (Community of Portuguese Language Countries). The theoretical constructs of the New Institutional Economy formed the basis of the interpretation of the data, and the literature that explores new mechanisms of external insertion of emerging countries was highlighted through the diplomacy oriented towards the South-South axis. The methodology comprised the study of two cases, bringing together both quantitative and qualitative indicators based mainly on the official reports of the Brazilian government and sectoral analyses produced by trade associations. The intrabloc trade evolution was performed through a cluster analysis considering the exports and imports of each of the cases investigated in relation to Brazil. The results reached showed an increase in trade transactions between member states.

Abstract This article analyses the performance of developing countries in WTO disputes against the USA and EU (the G2) from 1995 to 2012. It investigates the influence of four factors – WTO rules and norms, institutional-legal capacity, market power, and trade dynamics – on two samples, namely disputes initiated and successfully concluded against the G2. Generalized Linear Models (GLMs) are used to analyse the data. They show that, while relative bilateral exports also play a role, the institutional-legal capacity and market power of developing countries (as represented by GDP) play the most important role in allowing developing countries to initiate disputes against the G2, and to complete them successully.

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Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the ‘Brazilian miracle’), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist’s portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

Abstract This article examines the complementarities among Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, Bourdieu’s notions of habitus and field, and Huysmans’s conception of discursive security strategy as a mediator of people’s relation to death. The interplay among these theories explains how hegemonic security discourses emerge. The self-referential aspect of the Copenhagen School’s Securitisation Theory (ST) does not contradict the existence of a relation of forces among securitising actors and audiences in given security fields, based on the ownership of social capital. This article rejects the theoretical positions adopted by Bigo, Tsoukala and Balzacq in terms of which ST is regarded as intersubjective. Utilising the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, it is possible to verify how hegemonic security discourses are determined. Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and field and Huysmans’s premises about security strategy also have implications for ST, mainly for the discussions about whether it has an intersubjective or self-referential aspect. As discourses of danger construct the political identities of states, the study of their influence on foreign policy is relevant to international relations. This article concludes that when the degree of otherness gets closer to the radical Other, extraordinary measures are easily tolerated by the agents involved in the securitisation process.