Repositório RCAAP

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Using official archives and printed sources, this paper investigates the Friends Association for the Soviet Union, a communist organization that was founded in Chile during the first half of the 20th century. Considering the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the development of the Soviet Union as milestones in the construction of the identity and image of the Chilean communist militancy, the approach proposed here analyzes how Soviet ideas were present in the internal politics during that period.

The paper analyzes the political discourses surrounding the implications of the extraordinary powers and states of siege present in the Chilean 1833 Constitution. The research seeks to highlight the tension that emerges between classical republican and liberal thoughts from the justification of “emergency powers” outlined in the 1833 constitutional order. In this respect, the political and ideological debate that erupted in Chile’s public sphere in 1839 by virtue of the implications of the special powers” implemented during the war between Chile and the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation will be examined. The hypothesis is that from this public debate, it is possible to observe the deployment of classic Liberal Republican political discourse that discusses constitutional effects of extraordinary powers under exceptional circumstances. The materials used to rebuild these political speeches are contemporary press and parliamentary motions.

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The article is organised in five parts: first, we offer a brief overview of the protests and the concept of the ‘right to the city’; second, we discuss arguments about the role of democracy and representation, and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s authoritarian leadership style in relation to the cause of the protests; third, we put forward our case for comparing the protests with those which occurred in similarly rising economies, namely Brazil, rather than the demonstrations that occurred in countries experiencing a downward economic turn; fourth, we explore the role of young people in the protests; and finally, we look at where the movement is now.

This article focuses on the circulation of ideas on social policies in Latin America through the discussions in the Latin-American scientific congresses. The main argument is that, although Latin-American scholars relied on European narratives to frame the social problems that affected the region, the policy solutions they found were not based on the direct importation of foreign models. Either by emphasising criminality or the need for social reform, scholars sought to address the social question through regional mechanisms which were the outgrowth of regional processes of knowledge transfer.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar el comportamiento de los negros y mestizos libres, o más en general, la gente de color en el siglo XVIII, en el interior de Minas Gerais, a través de instancia religiosa. Para tanto utilizamos las visitaciones  eclesiásticas por las cuales la iglesia trató de hacer valer su posición y vigilar de cerca a la vivencia católica de los pueblos, haciendo la represión de lo que ella consideraba actos ilícitos y garantizar las buenas costumbres. La interpretación de los documentos producidos por estas visitaciones nos permite entender las costumbres cotidianas de la población, el sentido del matrimonio legítimo, la coexistencia de uniones informales y la percepción del lugar ocupado por las libertas, las indígenas en sus relaciones con sus amos. Por la recuperación de estas experiencias hemos tenido acceso a las tensiones y conflictos que informaron las interrelaciones entre los grupos establecidos allí y, por otro lado, el ejercicio de la solidaridad horizontal que solidificó alianzas y ha recreado las identidades.

After the transformations that Argentine suffered at the end of the 19th century, and since the implantation of Democracy of universal male suffrage in 1912, the elites started to worry about what they considered a distorted order and a dangerous depreciation of hierarchies. In this context some writers begun to enjoy themselves with the idea of being the “spiritual superior minority”, capable of giving character to the people. They considered that the moral and political direction of the Nation should be based on them. Self-denominated nationalist movements began to arise, gradually abandoning their cultural nativist character in order to develop a concrete ideological and political quality. The concepts of nation y nationalism were discursive instruments which helped unify this incipient, anti-democratic right-wing. In the political gamble, they dedicated several pages to undermine the popular culture. At the beginning, this disqualification was an argument to politically discredit the new actors that were emerging. Also, it was a distinctive element that helped them to show themselves as the positive opposite of the excluded.

Between 1922 and 1924, António Sardinha (1887-1925) faced political and intellectual issues of great importance to comprehend the evolution that once more, although this time ultimately, operated on his spirit just a few years before his precocious death: hispanism, approximation with Brazil, Latinity and the future of the Counterrevolution. What did Sardinha intend with his Hispanic “utopia”? What was, in Sardinha’s mind, the real meaning of Latinity ? How did he integrate Brazil in this reflection? And above all: what was this new Counterrevolution ideal? These and other questions, this study will seek to answer.

This paper compares Anti-communist organizations and activities in Argentina and Brazil between 1945 and the rising of the dictatorships in the sixties. It is proposed that existed two different periods in the history of Anti-communism, separated by the impact of Cuban Revolution. The hypothesis here defended is that Anti Communism was much more than a mask used by the ruling class in order to face challenges and threats to its privileged position. Furthermore, Anti-Communism must be better understood as an ideology which was widely spread in Argentinean and Brazilian social sectors and political actors, and that had a great capability to bind them.

Aspects of the democratic transition that ended the process of the so-called Argentinean Revolution – military dictatorship from 1966 to 1973 – as understood by the Argentinean Society for the defense of Tradition, Family and Property (TFP) are analyzed in this paper. The association, which was created in 1967 and was dedicated to the catholic anticommunist fight, acted towards the instruction of the public opinion on the Argentinean reality in 1971 by publishing Ver, Juzgar y Actuar, a manifesto in which their thoughts on the country’s broader context and the means for the necessary counterrevolutionary fight were presented. Considering that the changes brought by General Lanusse’s government (1971-1973) would lead the country to Communism, TFP urges Argentinean Catholics to oppose to the process through clarification and effective doctrinarian action. Based on a conservative political culture, the entity appeals to the defense of order, moral and “authentic” progress in conformity with Christian traditions as part of the entity’s broader struggle against the traits of modernity, particularly those identified with progressivism, leftism, liberalism and contemporary immorality.

This paper analyses the journey of the Embassy of Students of the University of Coimbra in Brazil in 1951, under the coordination of the rector of this university, Maximino Correia. We assume that in the process of textualizing Brazil and through its report, Maximino Correia operated with a repertoire of information and values from the authoritarian nationalist political culture, which was produced by intellectuals strongly linked to the dictatorial government of António de Oliveira Salazar.

This article aims to analyze the journals Hierarchia and Estudos e Conferências which, in the early 1930s and during the Estado Novo (1937-1945), represented, respectively, the theoretical positions of the Brazilian right and the governmental propaganda supporting the head of the regime, Getúlio Vargas.

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