Repositório RCAAP

This text reflects on the relationship between national identity and popular feast in Brazil and Portugal during the 20th century, from a comparative analysis of two nuclear cultural events: the samba schools’ parade in Rio de Janeiro and the popular marches of Lisbon. The exercise, held in a relevant set of studies on each of the cases, is justified by the substantive set of similarities both in the historical process, the content, the structure, and the organization of those urban popular parades. In it we noted the importance of the dictatorial periods for construction and urban centrality of these parties.

The article analyses the influence of German national-socialism on the Spanish Fascists movement at its first stage and during the Spanish Civil War, as well as the immediate postwar period. Spanish Fascist were fascinated by Hitler’s charisma, as well as by the modernity of Nazi propaganda. The Catholic right also admired this. Although biological antisemitism was a problem for some of them, they all considered Hitler to be the most efficient bullwark against the spreading of “Bolshevism”.

This paper deals with a discussion about the electoral system of the first Brazilian republican decade and its relations with the meanings of democracy, people, representation and popular sovereignty, that people shared in the period. Based on the use of the History of Concepts, the investigation about electoral laws, and the Constitution of 1891, it was possible to analyze the emerging of political rights and its expressions during the first years of the new regime in Brazil. Based on sources and historiographical debate, the article tried to understand how the regime, in its early years, built its main principles that sustained the process of decision-making, within the state as well within the civil society.

The newspaper A Voz de S. Tomé (The Voice of St. Thomas) was created after World War II, more precisely in 1947. Subjected to censorship, written by onlookers, the monolithic A Voz de S. Tomé became the only newspaper where, in addition to pale reflections of local life, was stamped a gray propaganda of political regime and colonial power. The newspaper provided a reading of the world to be adopted by the islanders and the settlers. It will not be too risky to assume that in practice the A Voz de S. Tomé served to perpetuate the isolation of archipelago. This text on the newspaper A Voz de S. Tomé (1947-1974) aims to present contributions to understand the political constraints on the press and characterize its role in the configuration of a public space in a colonized small island, subjected to a dictatorship, that, in 1970, has 73631 inhabitants, which 2391 were white. After the independence in 1975, similar constraints had conditioned the evolution of press in new country, São Tomé and Prince. 

This paper analyzes the development of the radical right in Portugal, since the fall of the authoritarian regime (1974) until the internet age, with emphasis on the period from 1984 until 2012. The research emphasizes two main aspects: the creation of radical right cultural and political organizations; and the organization of violent racist and xenophobic groups.

This paper sheds light on the culture of partnership between workers of the Court of the Second Empire through mutual aid statutes and opinions issued by State counselors of the Empire Affairs Section. This article also deals with approaches that lead to identity representations and meanings of morality, altruism and ennoblement of work within the social networks and the importance credited to them by historical subjects in evidence.

Utilizing the relationship between image and presentification, the text analyzes the meanings that portraits of victims of dictatorships acquire when they are presented within museum archives. In this analysis two aspects are considered: the documentary qualities of the photograph itself, as well as the process of exhibiting the photograph within a museum. The analysis is conducted by employing concepts of memory that establish a series of relationships in which the evocation of a temporal understanding of past-present indissociability as well as the expression of unforgettable violence become combined in the portrayal of certain continuity. In this way, a photograph is understood to be a discursive practice within the space of a museum (an institution of memory), and is presented as a mark of suffering – a scar.

Interview with the Emeritus Professor of the Department of History, Faculty of Social Science and Humanities at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa, and Integrated Researcher at the Instituto de História Contemporânea, Prof. Dr. Fernando Rosas.

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Similarly to other protest movements in the 21st century, the Quebec students articulated their demand for tuition-free education alongside a critique of neoliberal policies, the failed logic of austerity, and the weakening of democratic institutions. While the central participants in the struggle were students, this broader social critique attracted a diverse array of citizens, activists and organizations to its cause, resulting in a broad-based movement that for a time became the enter of political struggles in Quebec.

Over the last five years or so, we have witnessed increasing forms of violence and unrest across the world. In the media, these depictions of violence are presented as actions of resistance to oppressive regimes and corrupt politics yet are, at the same time, deliberately detached from a global politik which is collapsing in numerous ways: the manifestations evident in market instability, and increasing austerity, unemployment and marginalisation; a sign perhaps that the orgy of globalisation is reaching its climax. Some of this was reflected in what we saw across English cities in 2011. In this paper, I discuss these riots – why they might have happened and the State response – but perhaps more importantly how they should be reconsidered as part of other forms of violence and dissatisfaction against oppressive regimes and corrupt politics as a collective response to a global system on the brink of collapse – in Europe, the Middle East, or Latin America – as a result of its neverending pursuit of rampant profit at the expense of millions of people.

The Tea Party, which arose shortly after President Barack Obama assumed office, is the most recent incarnation of American populism. Numerous issues – including a protracted economic recession, alarming federal budget deficits, concern over immigration, fiscal deficits, and a seemingly ineffective government response to these problems – appear to be fueling the new right-wing populism. But changing demographics in the United States will limit the potential of the Tea Party and related movements insofar as they resonate almost exclusively with white Americans. Unless the Tea Party can reach out to America’s increasing non white population, its long-term viability is limited.

Building on the existing literature this paper analyzes how – at the turn of the century and into the 21st century – activists in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia constructed narratives that focused on “the people in action”. Advocates of the insurrections framed myths of the pure and oppressed people revolting against the tyranny of economic and political elites. Elites responded by differentiating the authentic people from the mob. Indigenous and other poor and non-white protestors were portrayed by elites as the rabble, as uncivilized, and in general, as a danger to democracy.

The following text does not present anything other than the view of the author about the movement of May 15, in such a way that it in no case represents an official position, not even necessarily a view shared by many of the activists of this movement. This apart, the signer cannot boast a prolific knowledge of endless and complex debates surrounding the 15-M. His experimental knowledge of the movement comes especially from the Madrid demonstration and, in a lighter degree, from the contact with the Galician and Catalan bases of 15-M, and from endless conversations with many people who have worked in popular assemblies in many different places.

Portugal and Spain had radically divergent paths to democracy: social revolution in Portugal and reform in Spain. In this paper, the author suggests that a revolutionary path to democracy had a positive effect on self-organizing capabilities of the middle and working classes. Though not always lead to democratic regimes, social revolutions tend to institutionalize mechanisms that encourage civic participation of the masses. Thus, democracies arising from a revolutionary process tend to offer more opportunities and mechanisms for participation and civic inclusion of the masses in national political life.

Review: VIANNA, Marly de Almeida Gomes; SILVA, Erica Sarmiento da; GONÇALVES, Leandro Pereira (Org.). Presos políticos e perseguidos estrangeiros na Era Vargas. Rio de Janeiro: Mauad X; Faperj, 2014. 

Anti-austerity mobilizations in Southern Europe since 2010 have been widely debated in recent times. Commentators have emphasized the emergence of new political subjects such as the ‘precariat’ organized into loose, IT-connected movements. To what extent do these portrayals reflect the underlying dynamics of this protest cycle, and how do these movements interact with traditional political actors? Using Portugal as a case study, this article maps the cycle of anti-austerity contention between 2010 and 2013 to reveal a more complex picture, where traditional actors, including labor unions and left-wing political parties, emerge as key actors, facilitating and sustaining the discontinuous mobilization of new forms of activism, while seeking to gain access to new constituencies through them.

This article analyzes the performance of Santiago’s mayor and staunch Pinochet supporter Joaquín Lavín, with the purpose of reviewing right-wing politics in Post -Pinochet Chile. I suggest that de-politicization in Postdictatorial Chile was related to previous municipal reform and the imposition of a “Lavín Style” seeking consensus around neoliberal ideas, and a redefinition of politics as mere problem-solving, or “cosismo”. It is argued that this strategy ultimately failed due to the agenda of Socialist President Ricardo Lagos, who exposed the vacuity of “cosismo” and smoothed the way for the accession of a more liberal right to the presidential seat in 2010.

This paper discusses the Portuguese immigration to Belém, capital of Pará, in the period of the rubber economy. The theme is analysed from the Consular Habilitations; we try to discuss the strengths and the weaknesses of this art of source for the study of Portuguese immigration, especially regarding numbers and profiles. It’s also intended to cross-analyse the Consular Habilitations with other sources to understand the dynamics and the paths of individuals and families that arrived in the Amazon lands.

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