Repositório RCAAP

The northern Mozambique was marked by the intense circulation of people, products, ideas and knowledge in the nineteenth century. The northern Mozambique was a socio-cultural mosaic in the nineteenth century, marked by the intense circulation of people, products, ideas and knowledge. It was possible to find a diversity of groups, such as Swahili, Makua-Imbamela and Namarral, Mujojo and Muzungo. These social categories reveal forms of classification and identification based on different criteria: geographic location, religion, cultural aspects, occupation, color, economic and social condition. The main objective of this article is to analyze how these social categories were constructed historically as well as the cultural and identity connections existing around them.

The polysemy of racial classifications for black population of Parahyba do Norte/Brazil is discussed. From the research on primary sources such as the press and documents of the provincial administration, and with the theoretical contribution of social history, history of education and history of slavery are exposed terms related to color, qualities and conditions, in order to discuss the different possibilities of being black in the nineteenth century. In this way, the limits between slavery and freedom are discussed, and how the possibility of fluidity between being a slave and being free person affected the identification of the subjects. It is concluded that the imprecision that surrounded black population interfered in their correlation with instruction, and how the contact with the literate universe could interfere in the classifications of the individuals. 

The adoption of the 1988 Democratic Constitution in Brazil was marked by the will to break with an authoritarian past and to include deeper and wider forms of citizen participation in local, state and national decision-making processes. After 30 years, the language of citizens’ inclusion and of the Citizens Constitution was adopted by politicians at all levels of government to affirm the democratic and inclusive character of their own political projects and ambitions. Many participatory initiatives were indeed created and implemented at all levels of government in Brazil, even at the national level with the growth of the public policy national councils in the last decades. What is the legacy of the 1988 Constitution for the institutional articulation of citizen participation in Brazil? This paper looks back at the origins of such participatory innovations and studies its institutional articulations, emphasizing the successes, but also highlighting the limits of the constitutional dispositions in themselves for the deepening of democracy in Brazil.

In the 18th century, the statutes of the University de Coimbra did not include any impediment preventing men of color from becoming students. African descendents – usually pardos and mulatos with mixed racial origins – could and did study there, as is evident in the records of the faculties of Law, Medicine and Theology. Identifying students’ color, however, is not always easy, sometimes impossible. In fact, evidence regarding students’ color often appears for the first time in records of final examinations prior to receiving the degree. Approval in these examinations opened the doors for careers as magistrates, in the case of law students, or for continuing on to other examinations required for approval for the doctoral degree. But for some students, no grades were recorded. Instead, there is an observation next to the student’s name, stating that “there is no information.” When I was able to obtain information on students whose “performance” was described in this way, most were men of color. Reconstructing the academic trajectories of these individual students makes it possible to recognize the arguments used in assessing students of color, and the restrictions imposed on them, which affected their ability to obtain positions in powerful and prestigious institutions. In a larger sense, the stories of individual students reveal the complex subtlety of the signals used in alluding to racial origin, skin color and other physical aspects, which in conjunction with the hierarchies of Portugal’s Antigo Regime, came to weigh more and more heavily in defining social spaces and statutes. This article seeks to contribute to historiographical discussions on that subject.

The topic of Ham’s curse was an important tool in the construction of European thinking on the otherness of the African and, in particular, as a strategy for the justification of slavery and slave trade. The central-western region of the African continent was both the region most intensely involved in the slave trade and the one where the cultural relationship with Europe proved to be more lasting. This paper analise the use of the topos of the Ham curse in the missionary literature on the centralwestern region of the African continent. It sustains the idea that Ham’s curse, apart from being an instrument of legitimization of the slave trade, is an aggregate axis of the multiple facets of the social and cultural reality of the region which the missionaries considered to be proper of an uncivil living and which to eradicate as a fondamental requirement for the conversion of Africans.

Luanda, the capital of the Portuguese colony of Angola, had a female majority in mid-nineteenth century. The female population was composed of donas, free black women, and captives who occupied different spaces in the colonial society. The daughters of the Luso-African elite were since their childhood identified as donas, reflecting their socio-economic status. These women accumulated captives, land, and luxury goods through inheritances and participation in the local and long-distance trade as merchants and brokers. Free black women sought opportunities in retail trade as quitandeiras and offering manual services to the inhabitants of the city. Female captives, in turn, entered the small trade of the streets and markets and performed domestic tasks in the residences of foreigners and Luso-Africans. This study draws on slave registers, baptism and burial records, and deeds of sale and purchase to explore experiences of donas, free black women, and female captives in nineteenth century Luanda. In a Luso-African and slave society, elements such as Portuguese descent, the ownership of goods, and affiliation to the Portuguese culture conferred prestige upon certain individuals determining the trajectories of free and enslaved women.

This article contains an investigation into the impact of the reorganization of the Liberal Party’s national political party committee on the management of the Liberal Party in the Province of Paraná during the 1870s and 1880s. The fundamental argument of this study is that the reorganization did not provoke the increase of control of the national political party committee over the other administrative instances of the association. The political elite linked to the Liberal Party in Paraná conserved about their autonomy to define the model of management and modes of operation of the local units of the association. Therefore, it is evidenced that in the late 1870s such autonomy gave rise to a management model marked by the existence of a supreme leader. Therefore, it should be demonstrated that, on the one hand, the administrative reorganization of the Liberal Party did not reduced the prerogatives of the regional elites to develop proper criteria for local government of directories. On the other hand, this reorganization did not promote, in the context of Paraná, a renewal of the board of directors of the association.

This article, by means of Oral History, seeks to establish an analysis of representations of left-wing women activists about Democracy as a human right after the Military Coup of 1964. The intention is to make reverberate through their voices, how their experiences were configured and reconfigured as left-wing militants in a dictatorial regime. We want to discuss here, from their narratives, how these women realized and realize democracy as part of the Human Rights for which they fought in the leftist organizations. To this end, we discussed some perspectives of Democracy that, as demonstrated by the narrators through their statements, were part of the trajectory of each one of them.

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