Repositório RCAAP

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In the late 1950s and early 1960s, standpoints changed in Brazilian foreign policy, as it became adapted to the transformation of the international situation. A public debate began in which two poles were formed: one of the them promoted the economical opening on the basis of pragmatic considerations for Central and Eastern European countries, and the other camp – especially the side committed with anticommunist and anti-Soviet ideals – rejected the Brazilian approach to the Soviet Union. In their argumentation, Hungary and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 appeared as an example, as a heroic resistance against the communist regime. We present our study in Brazilian anti-Soviet rhetoric through the analysis of printed sources (books, pamphlets), which show the Hungarian Revolution becoming a heroic, symbolic event. This was particularly suitable for the anti-communist propaganda at the time, where the Hungarians appeared as an enslaved nation and the Revolution of 1956 becomes the symbol of resistance against Communism.

Violence emerges as an objective fact in the analysis of the social and political crisis in Uruguay in the 1960s. However, most historical studies from Social and Political Sciences have identified theoretical elaborations and violent practices in the left or in the State, taking the year 1968 as starting point; this date concides with the apogee of the leftist armed struggle and the adoption of a legislation of exception to repress social protest. In this paper I propose two new approaches that contribute to the analysis of this period: 1. To review the chronology normally used to analyse the 1960s crisis; and 2. To include the perspective and interests of the right, which were part of the social and political fabrics during the most intense period of the Cold War in Latin America. In particular, this article offers a general cartography of the violence of the right, in which different strategies, types and justifications are highlighted, as well as the degrees and scale of violent activities with political objectives.

The identity of the radical right in the second post-war period is characterized by the milestone April 25th 1974. Before the Carnation Revolution, the radical right identified itself, although with a critical posture, with the nationalistic political culture of the authoritarian regime and, especially, with the multi-continental and multiracial dimensions of the myth of the Portuguese Empire. The end of the Empire caused by the overthrow of the authoritarian regime and the establishment of the democracy made the Portuguese radical right an antisystem actor, with a discourse that distances itself from the myth of Portugal “from Minho to East Timor” and gets closer to the identitarian and racialist discourse of the European and North-American far rights. This gradual transformation in the political culture of the radical right also coincides with a generational change in militancy in the last quarter of the 20th century and the dawn of the twentyfirst century. The paper analyzes the generational, organizational and ideological dynamics that characterised the radical right highlighting the political discourse of the nationalist groups founded during the Colonial War and the discourse of the most notorious radical group at the end of the Century: the National Action Movement (MAN).

Academic Interviews: António Manuel Hespanha e Ernesto Castro Leal 

This paper analyzes the experience of mobilizing the browns’ and blacks’ troops in varying maintenance of public order services in a territory that had its origin linked to gems and gold exploration activities and that, therefore, was marked by a context of tensions and constant economic, political, social and territorial changes, namely: the region of Serro Frio, between the years 1730-1763. The objective is to point out the importance and usefulness that the mobilization the browns’ and blacks’ troops had in the point of view of the local authorities to order this territory, especially in regard to the excesses and inconveniences caused by the scape of slaves, theft, illegal mining, being the actions of these troops placed as essentials to the proper functioning of the governance of the region.

The paper discusses proposals on the female education, observing how this issue was considered strategic for the improvement of women, families and future generations (in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth). It focuses on two perspectives: the first involving projects aimed at education/emancipation of women from the elite and the middle class, and the second one involving the education/ consciousness of workers by the socialist teacher Ernestina Lesina.

It is common knowledge that State intervention in Italy in the Twenties and the Thirties developed outside of corporative institutions. The history of Fascist corporatism, however, is not only an unsuccessful story. Despite the failure of the “corporatist revolution” and “Fascist third way”, Fascist corporatism since the mid-Twenties helped the progressive development of a new political system to regulate relationship between State and private interests. The paper examines not only the institutional framework (the systems of formal laws, regulations, and procedures, and informal norms) but also their acts and real activities. It dwells upon internal debates, political and institutional importance acquired by corporative institutions in Fascist regime and behaviours of entrepreneurial organizations and labour unions. In this way, the paper aims to point out the “real” consequences of Fascist corporatism, different from the ideological ones.

Written in 1556 by one of the participants in the conquest and colonization of the River Plate, Isabel de Guevara´s letter to the princess Juana is a critical testimony of the time. The value of this document arises from the author´s personal condition, defined as eyewitness of the described facts. It is in this way that it establishes the verisimilitude of the narration based on juridical speech. This article seeks to interrogate the binary constructions of colonial/imperial, margin/center, and local/global, upon an examination of Isabel de Guevara´s letter in a broader Spanish American colonial context.

The purpose of this article is to explore one dimension of corporatism related to middle class in Brazil from the perspective of the dual nature of representation entities. Differently from the situation of the industrial business sector and urban workers, middle class representation in the State was shared by professional associations and unions. In  the case of the lawyers, that are the main topic of my study, the relationship between the professional bar and unions was especially conflicted. The competition of representation imposed by unions lead the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB, acronym in Portuguese for Ordem dos Advogados do Brazil) to take a union like agenda. If we consider the middle class political and ideological differentiation process, the existence of two corporate entities made representation more legitimate. The Executive branch, though challenged, avoided the establishment of a representation monopoly for the middle class and especially for lawyers. The study of activities carried out by the Brazilian Bar Association and lawyer’s unions suggests middle class corporatism is closer to a society than a state modality.

Much of the historiography dedicated to the Brazilian system of corporatist industrial relations has focused on the intellectual thinking of its creators, emphasizing the corporatism’s original authoritarian and controlling character and minimizing its praxis. In this sense, many studies end up in silencing the role of the workers and trade unions in the process of shaping the corporatist system, especially during the democratic period of 1945-1964. This article aims to contribute to the debates on corporatist systems by emphasizing the importance of the workers’ experience based on the narrow relation to the labor institutes (Labor Courts, trade unions, and the Ministry of Labor). By doing so, this paper aims to show how the workers were successful in given new meaning to the corporatist project. Besides, it calls attention to the making of a new political labor culture strongly based on the working-class struggle for labor rights. This study will analyze the uses of the corporatism by the working-class in two different political regimes: in the “populist” period (1950s and early 1960s) and the military dictatorial period, from 1964 on.

The paper intends to explore the Italian debate on corporatism after the fall of fascism, in the years of the so-called “First Republic” (1948-1992). Over this long time period, which spanned more than four decades, the debate on corporatism continued to interest the nostalgic political right represented by the Italian Social Movement (MSI), but rekindled also the minds of Catholics. In both cases, the aim was to harmonize the corporatist theory with democratic principles. During Sixties the debate on the launch of a planning policy in Italy was seized by some members of the MSI as an opportunity to revive the corporatism and find a concrete solution to “govern” the Italian economy. The crisis of the institutions that emerged in the early 1970s and the consequent need for reform of the State finally give new vigour to corporate theories. The crisis of the institutions was perceived as a crisis of the political parties, which was ultimately the crisis of representative parliamentary democracy resulting from the French Revolution. In the 1980s the theme once again became of particular interest to the Catholic world and more specifically to the Milan Group, which revolved around the figure of Gianfranco Miglio. Until the beginning of the 1990s, the Milan Group produced a number of volumes on the reform of the Italian Constitution and on the issue of representation of organized interests.

The present paper, ostentatiously theoretic, seeks a critical reflection about the hermeneutics of corporatism as a social phenomenon possessing historic depth. The debate mobilizes the vast bibliography produced by the Social Sciences about the corporatist phenomenon. Between the common denominators of such bibliography, the devaluation of the corporatist ideas’ and institutions’ historicity in their umbilical connection with the fascisms is highlighted. Recuperating that timate relation, the interwar European corporatist movement’s central meanings are interpreted historically. Anchored in the fascist corporatisms’ historical ballast, some challenges are proposed about the Portuguese experience of the Estado Novo – its longevity and high degree of institutionalization has always aroused the interest of historians and other social scientists.

This paper aims to examine the process of establishment of the Ministry of Labour, Industry and Commerce in Brazil (1931), as well as the role played by the political and intellectual elites that conduced it, helping on the project of institutionalization of the “world of labour” during Vargas' first government (1930-1945).

This article analyzes the relation between corporatism and democracy, in a historic perspective. In general, the literature about this subject points out that despite being the corporatism’s origins associated with authoritarian contexts, the corporate forms to intermediate interests have adapted to democratic situations. In the Brazilian case, although the corporatism genesis was linked to a state control over the social conflicts in the Vargas government, its development matches the last years of the ‘Estado Novo’. Since then, corporatism has crossed different political systems in Brazil, and still has important mechanisms working today. On the other side, despite being a frequent target of critics from the left and the right, none of the critics showed a strong preference to overcome this model. This point leads questions about the relevance of the propositions to remove it, or to postulate improvements in this policy, looking forward to also improve the democratic state.

Dossier: Contemporary popular revolts in a Comparative perspective