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We set out to show in this paper how a particular ideal about indigenous people permeates the Brazilian indigenist utopia and how the indigenous policies concerning isolated indians present their contradictions and idiosyncrases, influenced by these ideals. We present a study on the recent conflicts that took place in the Vale do Javari Indigenous Land (AM) and that resulted in violent deaths of Korubo and Matis people, respectively considered by the Brazilian government as “isolated” and “of recent contact” indians. We analyse this conflict history from both indigenist and indigenous narratives. We observe how the FUNAI (Indians' Affair Governmental Office) employees have tried to ignore and to deny the indigenous' rights to self-determination and how they tried to obliterate the role and the presence of the Brazilian state in the regional interethnical relations. We conclude that a possible dialogue could be the first step to end a public policy that has led to ignoring and isolating these indigenous groups. We argue that isolation ideal can not be dominant over the indigenous people right to self determination: this concept is weakly supported in a romantic and contradictory idea of indigeous people that live totally allien and marginal to historical processes, as if they would not suffer and resist the pressure of the old (neo)developmentism promoted by the State and by the presence of expansionist frontiers such as loggers, dam builders or oil companies.

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Editorial of the volume 42, number 2 (2016) of Estudos Ibero-Americanos

This article focuses on the history of the city of Campo Grande, State of Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil, among the decades of 1960 and 1970, recovering issues little addressed in the local historiography. Having as privileged source the newspaper Correio do Estado, we tried to study some aspects of those conflicts between sectors of the local elite and people of the community. We understand that articles published in Correio do Estado do not show properly the history of the city of Campo Grande or from most of the actors who were there either. Before, that set of sources expresses richly detailed the history of the political activity of this means of communication. In that time, the journal questioned and discredited the activities carried out by dairy street vendors in the city of Campo Grande. At the same time, defended openly the rules for the industrialization of unprocessed milk.

The “Good Taste Campaign” was set in motion by António Ferro, director of the National Propaganda Bureau, in 1940, following the Centenary Commemorations, constituting a cultural initiative whose assumed purpose was to create an aesthetic awareness among the Portuguese people. Embracing very different interventions and initiatives, it sought to establish an aesthetic model that created a façade for the nation, presenting it as a civilized country, in opposition to a country of revolutions, simultaneously modern and traditional.This article analyzes the campaign, result of an authoritarian and dictatorial political context, the New State, finding out its origins, formats and intentions and discovering the marks left in the democratic, XXI century Portugal and on its identity.

In 1971, António Lobo Antunes is mobilized to fight in Africa. Therefore, he gets the course of the days in Lisbon interrupted: bereft of the company of his wife, bereft as well of his friends and family, leaves one life in suspension to start another one – but that is not life. The fragility caused by war and the banalization of death let him know another level of exception. From that place, he starts writing letters to Maria José, his wife, with an anxious writing that repeatedly returns to daily matters, which he aims to restore. Taking the reading of these brief moments – a fabric of everyday relations put together by correspondence–this paper aims to think this unique form of resistance offered by this letters written in times of exception: a resistance concerning the private, been, above all, words of common people, with no political nor military role, that keep the memory of traumatic events. We also aim to contribute to open historiographical problems derived from the persistence of a unique version of history for a matter that is not closed, from an overdue justice, considering the voices above the surface – to recover the memory from dictatorship times.

Over the past decades, Brazilian historiography has devoted increasingly greater attention to the study of everyday life, appreciating dimensions and aspects that have been neglected by research influenced by structuralist approaches. Research on authoritarian regimes in Brazil, particularly, have been directly benefited from this process of historiographical renovation, seeking more complex ways of analyzing the state’s relationship with civil society, devoting special attention to the “ordinary” man and women and to social groups that did not directly take part in political struggles. In dialogue with the Brazilian historiography dedicated to this research agenda, this articles aims to analyze the work of Belarusian writer Svetlana Aleksiévitch in order to reflect about the everyday life of “ordinary” men and women during the years of authoritarian experience of Soviet Union. Based on thousands of testimonies, Aleksiévitch’s books, forming what the author herself termed “Red Encyclopedia”, contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between the “big” events that took place in USSR in the twentieth century driven by the socialist “Big Utopia” and the everyday life of Homo Sovieticus.

The present text discusses how two elements of sportive life from Piauí – the soccer stadium “Albertão” and the Tiradentes soccer team – were treated as triggers of the dispute between two majority political groups on te Piauiense political scene, during the 1970s and 1980s. They were treated as signs of the first government of Alberto Silva (1971-1975) andwere applauded by his allies as synonymous of inscription of the state in a context of prosperity and developmental euphoria, constant with the political scene in effect in Brazil in times of Civil Military Dictatorship, and they were rejected by his opponents for being considered the reassurance of presence of that government on history and memory of the Piauiense society. In this article, we discuss how such disputes manifested themselves on political wars established between those groups and signed themselves in the ways of political scene. Therefore, as historical sources, official documents, newspapers that circulated in that period were analyzed, besides the photos used by the government in its official letters and oral reports, that, under the theoretical interlocution with Michel de Certeau, Réne Rémond, Paul Ricoeur and Paul Veyne, Michel Pollak, among others, contributed to the analytical elucidation of the theme.

The dictatorships of the twentieth century used different kinds of propaganda machines to justify their illegal rule. During the Nazi dictatorship and under Stalinism, for example, huge propaganda organs were created that both produced propaganda and became engaged in censorship. Combined with further political mechanisms (violent repression, surveillance, obligatory organisations, etc.), these means were used in order to mobilise the masses in favour of the regime and to silence any form of political dissent. During the New State (1937-45) a similar propaganda apparatus was built in Brazil that tried to amplify the notion of a union between the supposed leader figure, Getúlio Vargas, and the people (more specifically the urban working class). This propaganda organ – the so-called Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP) – tried to annihilate the difference between the public and the private sphere. Focusing on the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985) and offering a preliminary analysis, this article investigates to what extent Brazilian citizens were subjugated to the influence of official propaganda in their everyday lives, and to what extent the regime invaded their private lives. Drawing on the state of art, the article asks: Who was influenced and by which means? What knowledge do we have about the effect of the campaigns? The article shows that in contrast to the Nazi and Vargas dictatorships, the military regime operated only a small propaganda organ that rejected a politicisation and mobilisation of Brazilian citizens and refused to invade their everyday lives in an aggressive manner. To the contrary, the regime supported the private initiative and free-market ideology as one of capitalism’s building blocks; hired civilian filmmakers to produce their propaganda; and opted for depoliticising and supposedly apolitical campaigns.

The article discusses, through the analysis of Leon Hirszman’s Garota de Ipanema (1967) and its social circuit, tensions between politics and pleasure on daily life at Rio de Janeiro during the military dictatorship. The reinterpretation of a Bossa Nova song on a movie that intended to follow the daily life of a middle-class girl from Ipanema is expected as a break with the assumptions on how to make political cinema followed so far by its director, one of the exponents of Brazilian Cinema Novo (New Cinema). After all, both Ipanema and Bossa Nova were considered representative of a depoliticized bohemia apparently not worried with art intervention in society, important to Cinema Novo’s filmmakers. Ironically, the film disappointed critics exactly because it was not a good entertainment, for it aimed to understand the relations of the “girl from Ipanema” with the world, including her perception of politics under a dictatorship. Thus, the analysis aims the connections between dictatorship, art and bohemia both on and through the film.

From the second half of the 1970s, during the process of redemocratization in Brazil, the alternative press have been important to consolidate a public opinion against the military dictatorship and spread of a leftist culture, connected to democratic values. Created in 1975, the alternative newspaper called Movimento has attracted journalists that didn`t have spaces in major newspapers and activists from many political groups, especially those of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB). After abandoning the strategy of armed combat, many of those, who have survived the repression, have felt the need to engage in the legal political combat for democratic freedoms and have adopted Movimento as mouthpiece for their demands. The proposal, therefore, is to reflect about Brazilian left`s strategies of struggle for representative democracy through the Movimento`s pages.

The coup d’état in Chile had an impact abroad, what makes that it can be defined as a “world-event”. For the foreigners’ television channels and filmmakers, the September 11, 1973 encouraged the realization of films and TV’s reports to denounce the repression in the South American country, intending to collapse the image of a “normal” everyday sold by the militaries for the outside of the borders. In the second half of the 1970s, further than denounce, this international audiovisual productions searched to understand the processes of restoration of the social life and creation of a new ideology in the social groups (mainly by the empowerment of the guilds) that were giving a long term to the dictatorship. In view of this, this article analyses some audiovisuals sources shots in Chile by foreign filmmakers soon after the coup d’état and the behind Swiss documentary Chili: ordre, travail, obéissance (1977). The main idea is to understand the representations that these sources build about the everydayness during the Pinochet dictatorship in these two moments. Shots under the scouting of the Military Junta, these sources use a lot of everyday life footages made in Chile, since these have often been the only possible images that they could register under repression. Nevertheless, edited abroad, these scenes have been incorporated in films and TV’s reports to confront the militaries speech about the “normalization” of the country that they were intending to transmit to the international public opinion.

The article analyzes the various opinions on the film O Caso dos Irmãos Naves (1967), by Luis Sérgio Person, held in the film critic at the time of its premiere, which mobilized fundamental humanistic issues, especially with regard to the approach of the violent torture scenes, often accused of sadism. Amid the discussion about the film narrative and its possibilities of erasing the filmmaker before the documentary representation of the truth, the debate on how the imagistic forms of meaning production can mobilize feelings and/or trigger consciousness in a political way. The historical approach, from references such as Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben, is part of the discussion on visuality, investigating how, despite a common frame of reference, the period had different ways to trigger images.

In this article, I analyze the editorials of the major newspapers of Brazil (O Estado de São Paulo, Folha de São Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, O Globo) published on the anniversaries of the 1964’s Coup D’Etat. I try to understand the changes of the discursive representation of this event and the dictatorship that followed. From this perspective, I point out the revisions of the liberal memory of the military regime. That ideological current, in my point of view, defined the mainstream of a hegemonic memory of the historical period, based on “democratic resistance”.

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