Repositório RCAAP

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Dados Internacionais de Catalogação

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Since February of 1942, Brazilian merchant ships were torpedoed by German submarines. However, with the break of the diplomatic relationships among Brazil, Germany and Italy, the Nazi government took the decision of retaliating the Vargas government. For the Brazilian coast, it was sent the U-507 submarine. In August from that year, in just three days, five Brazilian ships were sunk, resulting in the death of hundreds of men, women and children. This article has the objective of knowing, even it being partially, the suffering of Brazilians that were on board and survived attacks from the German submarine, the suffering of the ones whom lost their families and the consequences of the German military aggression in Brazilian's society.

Dados Internacionais de Catalogação

“La Cruzada Mundial de la Amistad” is a civil organization created on June 20, 1958 by Dr. Ramón Artemio Bracho in Puerto Pinasco (Chaco, Paraguay). The organization was sponsored by the stronist regime (1954-1989) and different international organisms. “La Cruzada”, by altruist practices, sought to recreate a political sociability through ritualizing the celebration of friendship in the context of the Cold War. The article seeks to investigate, from the survey of the written press of the period and the organization’s magazine, Yuacjhu, ways of recreation of the daily life tending to generate adhesions to the authoritarian order. The intention is to contribute to the study of how ideologies of right wing political orders permeated into everyday practices of subjects and gave meaning to social life actions.

The sertaneja music in Brazil was largely marked by the support of the dictatorial regime established in 1964. Like almost all Brazilian musical genres, many sertanejo artists supported the regime. This article aims to show how sertanejo musicians rebuilt their relationship with the regime in the 1980s, when some of them engaged in the democratization process, erasing ties with the apologist past, just like most of Brazilian citizens. However, sertanejos weren´t seen as “politicized” artists and remained with the taint of “supporter of the dictatorship” for many years. The reasons why this happened are explored in this article.

This article aims to analyze to what extent the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL) could have served as a legitimizing institution for the Brazilian military dictatorship. The analysis focuses on the ABL’s everyday life practices in order to recover the complexity and ambiguity of its relation with the regime established in 1964. Thus, we analyzed the visits received by the academics as well as the speeches announced on those occasions; the votes of condolence made by academics to the family members of personalities who had died; and the values that were exalted in the construction of the memory of those great men. The analysis has shown that the ABL contributed to legitimizing the regime through an intense sociability among “immortals” and representatives of the regime and the diffusion of shared values between them, specifically those of patriotism and public spirit.

This paper discusses the cinema of Glauber Rocha from the notion of the Third World, which implies the discussion of nationalism and anti-imperialism. He was the Brazilian filmmaker who lived in Latin America and contacted many intellectuals of expression. The Cinema Novo did not fail to report, particularly in glauberian essayistic, the balcanization that is the condition of Latin American countries, which are ideological victims of the dominant audiovisual imperialism and its ramifications in the telenovela genre. The metropolis-colony polarity flows through Glauber Rocha’s filmography. The economic colonization is what determines the cultural alienation in Latin America. The filmmaker lived the counter-revolution of 1964, which gave birth to the sub-imperialism in Latin America, with Brazil´s key role in the initiation of this policy that does not cease to reinvigorate the colonial mentality that perpetuates the development of underdevelopment.

The North American Rabbi Marshall Meyer was a leading figure of the Jewish- rgentine community and a pioneering advocate for human rights during the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). In recent years, his personal archive has been incorporated into the Human Rights Archive of the David M. Rubenstein Library, the Manuscripts and Rare Books Library of Duke University. From his sermons, speeches, personal and professional correspondence, essays, interviews, and audiovisual material, this work reconstructs his trajectory in Argentina, focusing specifically on the years of political radicalization, repression, and the years just after the dictatorship. The article begins with the arrival of Meyer to Argentina in 1959, describing his impression of the society that welcomed him and the relation between this society and the Judaism that he sought to instill in his institutions. Later, he focuses on his perception of Peronism, the political violence that characterized the first half of the seventies, the commitment he made with the struggle for human rights in the second half and, finally, the construction of a first memory, in the eighties, of the dictatorship that was being left behind. An inquiry into Meyer’s life opens up an intimate registry, individual and oftentimes communal, of the years of political violence, military dictatorship, and the transition to democracy.

The paper analyzes the World Bank’s "market-assisted land reform" (MALR), addressing its rationality, the political agenda to which it belonged and the results of its implementation in South Africa and Brazil. After identifying it as part of the broader process of updating the neoliberal agenda articulated in the mid-1990s, the article discusses the World Bank’s agrarian program and details its components, including the MALR. It then summarizes both the criticism of the Bank to redistributive agrarian reforms of the past, based on land expropriation by the state, as well as the supposed advantages of MALR. It also discusses the political intentions that guided its implementation and analyzes the socio-economic and political results of MALR in both countries.

In this article we draw a historiographical balance on the field of studies on everyday life during the military dictatorship that ruled Argentina between 1976 and 1983. Primarily we try to account for the fundamental debates in national historiographies that have traveled in more depth these issues, then take the Argentine case, considering the main productions and academic and political contexts in which they emerged.

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