Repositório RCAAP

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This text intends to present an experience of collaborative formation developed with teachers of Physical Education working with Childhood Education in the public municipal schools of Cuiabá/MT, having as orientation the collaborative reflexive work, in the perspective of action-research. The proposal was developed for ten months in fifteen meetings, in which participated seventy-four teachers of Physical Education working in the Childhood Education in the Municipal Centers of Childhood Education (hereby CMEI’s), Emergency Centers of Childhood Education (hereby CEEI’s), Schools of Childhood Education and Municipal Schools of the Basic Education. The teachers evaluated the continuing formation developed pointing the difficulties encountered in the pedagogical practices, from the groups of work created during the formations, being able to solve some difficulties and doubts through exchange of experiences. The teachers could better understand the documents and references that permeate the teaching in Childhood Education, organizing the pedagogical spaces and times, in the planning developed throughout the meetings.

The article analyzes the reorganization of social protection in Argentina, which began at the end of 2015. The parameter of analysis is the end of central policies based on the strategy of inclusion through employment, which was a mark of the previous political cycle that declared a social security moratorium and promoted labor cooperatives. The study used documentary analysis and observed how the meaning of work was rebuilt, as well as looking at the recognition of rights in the definition of social problems, and the state’s intervention strategies to address these problems. The analysis shows that the processes of neoliberal counter-reform in progress converge in the redefinition of the social value of work and the future of vulnerable populations’ social and economic integration. These new meanings are based on a restricted and mercantile interpretation of social and labor rights, bringing as consequences the “assistencialization” and the individualization of social protection.

Editorial da edição 2017.2.

Por causa dos artigos recebidos para o Dossiê Pensamento Político Brasileiro, publicado em duas partes, nas edições da Em Tese de 2017, podemos inferir tanto o vigor constante das pesquisas presentes nesse campo de estudo quanto o interesse despertado por ele nas novas gerações de pesquisadores. A longevidade das pesquisas sobre o pensamento político brasileiro (PPB), que antecede a própria institucionalização da Ciência Política no Brasil, demostra o potencial investigativo desse campo - quando se reposiciona a compreensão de uma determinada tese ou se modifica a explicação das condições históricas de sua origem. Tomando o Dossiê Pensamento Político Brasileiro da Em Tese como uma amostra desse campo de estudo, podemos refletir sobre o estado da arte e da produção intelectual do PPB. Através dos temas dos 16 artigos desse dossiê e do IES de seus autores, podemos refletir sobre os grupos de estudo do PPB e ao avançarmos com a análise das referências bibliográficas usadas neles para questões teóricas e metodológicas desse campo.

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This article presents historical and contextual elements that promoted the emergence of social responsibility, based on critical analysis and on social totality to understand the study object beyond its endogenous meaning. The study starts from the counter-reform of the state in the 1980s – which was caused by the needs of the capitalist mode of production and was carried out for its reproduction – and describes how the counter-reform was implemented in Latin American countries, based on Structural Adjustment Plans. These plans used strategies to privatize social services, such as the notion of social responsibility that increases the bourgeois hegemony by coordinating corporate’s and civil society organizations’ actions with the rationale of shared responsibility, supported by politico-ideological and economic particularities that enhance the value of capital.

The study examines the Resolution n.179/2017-CNMP, which regulates, within the scopeof the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the commitment to conduct adjustment. The nature, object, competence, and impact of this out-of-court dispute resolution mechanism is studied in the face of the crisis of jurisdiction in Brazil. The Resolution also evaluates with regard to the manifest possibility of its use in matters of administrative impropriety, in apparent contradiction to Law n. 8.429/1992. From a bibliographical research and the use of the deductive method, the study concludes pointing out the possibilities and the limits of the act of the CNMP.

This article discusses the issue of juvenile incarceration and how violence is present in the daily life of this population. The reflections are based on the recognition of the selectivity of justice in a society deeply marked by the inequality of gender, social class, and ethnicity. The discussions are carried out with the intention to provide the context of the social aspect, its expressions, and the way the state has historically addressed the issue – with coercion and consensus – revealing how the confrontation of this reality has roots in an unequal society supporting a notion of criminalization of poverty.

The article problematizes the social protection system and the judicialization in a context of weak enforcement of social policies. The study is supported by field research and documentary and bibliographical analysis and discusses the setbacks and violations regarding social rights, as well as the dismantling of the social protection system, which leads citizens to judicialize their demands in order to access rights. The article shows that current changes in the regulation and criteria have made access more restrictive and excessively rigorous, which indicates that citizens are, in practice, losing assured rights. Also, the process of judicialization to obtain denied rights is limiting, since institutions and services do not reach the entire population. It is a long term, time-consuming, wasteful, and bureaucratic process that barely meets the speed and resolution required by individuals in a context of social vulnerability.

This article presents the recent changes in the Brazilian labor market, resulting from the recessionary dynamics of the world capitalist economy of the last decades manifested since the 2007-2008 crisis. It observes the insertion of Brazil in the global capitalist economy and the foundations supporting the processes of reproduction of capital, analyzing some indicators of the labor market related to the labor-power employment, wage, rates of formalization and turnover, in light of central tendencies and determinations of today’s process of expanded reproduction of capital. The study contributes to clarify phenomena such as the tendency to identify formal and informal work, the reconstitution of the industrial reserve army, wage repression and intensification of labor, which are promoted by the ongoing “reforms” in Brazil.

This article seeks to understand the history of the struggle for the right to the city in Brazil and the limits placed by historical-structural determinations to the political emancipation of the city. It is a theoretical study using a bibliographical review of the relevant scholars with a background in social sciences to reflect and elucidate the obstacles and the challenges to the full materialization of the right to the city in a country of dependent capitalism, such as Brazil. As a result, it was possible to understand that the anti-capitalist struggle becomes vital for the real materialization of democratic, just, and sustainable cities. The urban struggle must intend, beyond the conquest of political emancipation (fundamental in unequal societies such as Brazil's), to adopt a socially driven critical directions when providing for the needs of the working class and in building a new social order.

This article analyzes the history of the minimum income programs and proposals, observing the relationship with social protection standards and taking into account historical, theoretical and contextual aspects. The study used bibliographical research to identify and obtain information and to understand the discussions around the theme, adopting a critical-dialectical perspective. It, therefore, demonstrates that proposals and programs appear and expand in specific contexts as a way of contributing to the material reproduction of the labor force and especially of capital. The minimum income programs are created with the participation of subjects with different theoretical background and political ideology. In developed countries, they have been built connected to the Welfare States, and are guided by different theoretical currents, complementing the services provided and other monetary social benefits. In Latin America, the incomplete social protection systems are being replaced by minimum income programs, which appeared later in the region.

This article uses the Marxian analysis of the nineteenth century English factory legislation to demonstrate how a concrete approach to labor policy in Brazil can be inspired by the guidelines included in the Volume I of Das Kapital. The article covers the period from the regulation established by President Vargas, to the wild deregulation proposed by President Temer, exposing the links between capital accumulation and the Brazilian labor policies.

The purpose of this study was to describe the characteristics of the tests applied in the National Examination of Student Performance (NESP) in the area of Physical Education between the years 2004 to 2017. Eight tests were analyzed in relation to the general structure and content knowledge issues. Thematic content analysis was used to categorize the issues, applying up to three labels in each. The labels were grouped into categories according to thematic proximity. The results were quantified with descriptive statistics and presented in tables. The analysis allowed to conclude that structurally the tests maintained a great homogeneity, whereas in the content of the questions there was considerable specificity with the qualifications. The degree offered less thematic diversity, with much of the content composed of the pedagogical dimension - both in objective and discursive issues. It was concluded that the profile of the exam allowed an easy description and a good preparation.

This paper argues that naturalistic philosophy does not meet its own empiricist mandate. It argues from an empiricist perspective. Naturalists either claim that philosophy is like science in significant ways, or they claim that philosophy ought to be like science. This paper, being chiefly focused on the former claim, argues that naturalistic philosophy is nothing like science. Using Papineau’s markers for the similarities between naturalistic philosophy and science, I argue, counter Papineau, that the method employed in naturalistic philosophy is not a posteriori and its claims are certainly not synthetic in the same way as that of science. This methodological distinction between science and philosophy is one made by Carnap. To show how the methods are distinct I compare two papers; I compare the method employed by Andy Clark in his philosophical paper on the brain as a prediction error minimisation machine with that employed by Rees and Haynes in their neuroscientific paper on mental content.

In the last decades, the themes of creative economy, creative industries and creative cities served as a technical and operational fundament for the formulation and execution of a series of economic development public policies. The main actors of this profusion and legitimation of power were the economists, managers and business schools theorists in close relation to national governments and UN agencies. This process was possible due to the emergence of post-industrial societies, the expansion of the knowledge economy and the digitalization of cultural markets. The combination of these three aspects produced a structural approximation between the symbolic-aesthetic domain and the economic-technological domain, resulting in the formation of native categories, such as creative economy, creative industries and creative cities. These categories do not have the analytical and descriptive potential which able to comprehend and explain the new relations between those domains, tough they are themselves a result of these new relations.