Repositório RCAAP

- Oficina do Historiador V11.N.2-2018-artigo ID26913.Onde se lia:  A febre tifoide no Rio Grande do Sul da Primeira República: uma doença com históriaFabiano Quadros Ruckert,PDF57-75  Leia-se:A febre tifoide no Rio Grande do Sul da Primeira República: uma doença com históriaFabiano Quadros Ruckert, Leonor Baptista SchwartsmannPDF57-75

This article aims at analyzing the work “Is This a man?” by Primo Levi, establish links between the concepts of memory and identity, highlighting how the internal logic of Auschwitz the impossibility of maintaining individual identity. Tries to demonstrate how the “experience unreasonable” within the camps is a traumatic memory from the analysis of the testimony of Levi, the work of the authors references in thematic collective memory and individual identity and traumatic memory. Among those used Halbawachs Catroga and in the context of the constitution and uses of memory; M. Pollack to issues of identity; Paul Ricoeur regarding the work of mourning and forgiveness, Bauman Zygmunt aspects about the Holocaust, H. Arendt on Violence and coercive aspects and Eric Hobsbawm, in a historical context of World War II.

In the last days of 1944, after the end of Nazi occupation, Greece’s National Unity Government came into armed conflict with the left wing Greek People’s Liberation Army (ELAS), a guerrilla group which hadspent the last three years fighting the Nazi invaders. The British soldiers who were then stationed in Greek soil ended up joining the National Unity Government against ELAS, in accord with Prime Minister Churchill’sagenda of defending the Greek government, London’s traditional ally. That policy received a great amount of criticism, not only in Parliament, but also among ordinary people distant of political power. We aim to study how ordinary people expressed their views in order to understand on which grounds such opposition was elaborated. By analyzing readers’ letters and news published in The Daily Worker newspaper between December 5th and December 25, 1944, we have deduced that, according to its opposers, British intervention in Greece was against the very ideals of democracy and freedom for which Britain fought the Axis powers.

Our objective in this article is to analyze how the opposition tried to explore the relationship between the CPERS and the state government during the period in which Olívio Dutra (PT) led the Rio Grande do Sul executive. newspapers (Correio do Povo and Zero Hora newspapers) and speeches given by parliamentarians in the floor of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2002). For this analysis, we rely on the theoretical contribution of bourdesian sociology to understand the symbolic struggle between the benches and their agents. We start from the premise that the government was a minority in parliament and, therefore, had to face an opposition that aimed to reverse the rise of the PT in the regional political field. In addition, we consider the fact that social movements serve as an important resource of the governing microcosm, which provided the conversion into political capital for it, explaining part of its rise despite the extra-parliamentary origin of the party in the period of redemocratization.

TEDESCO, J. C.; VANIN, A. A. Entre a espada, a cruz e a enxada: a Colônia Militar de Caseros no norte do Rio Grande do Sul (1858-1878). Erechim: All Print, 2018. 392 p.

The military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) meant the break with the democratic experience that had been re-established with the end of the Estado Novo (1937-1945) and Getúlio Vargas’ departure from the presidency of the Republic. Following the precepts of the Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), the Armed Forces ruled in a way that limited the possibilities of exercising the opposition democratically, whether by censoring the media, revoking political mandates or even closing the National Congress. In addition, violence (torture, murder) was used by repression to defeat the armed struggle. The military dictatorship is, therefore, a complex period that needs the work of historians to be understood. Among the vast academic production on the subject, we point out two historians as important references: Jacob Gorender and Daniel Aarão Reis. In view of this, the present article proposes to analyze some of the historians’ conceptions about the military dictatorship and the armed struggle. The article aims to contribute to the set of historiographical studies on the military dictatorship in Latin America, with emphasis on the Brazilian case.

This paper makes brief methodological considerations about the use of the press, especially the newspaper, as a source and/or object of historical studies. This proposal is justified when considering the lack of a systematization about the different types of precautions that must be taken when using the newspapers in different researches. Thus, the work is divided into four parts, we will start with a more descriptive approach, where some of the main methodological care, of a pre-textual nature, were synthesized. In a second moment, a more practical treatment is presented, where a methodology is presented that addresses the demands of the pre-textual level. Since this methodology was developed from a case study, more specifically, for research that aims to analyze the representations about the political, on the pages of newspapers Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora and O Globo in the period from 1955 to 1960. Already in the third moment, some notes relatedto the textual character of the use of the periodicals in historical writing were listed. Finally, the article ends  with an exposition of methodologies that account for the formation of a documentary corpus of analysis based on journalistic texts. Emphasizing that such methodologies have also been developed for the above case study.

The political ideology’s certificate was an important instrument of social control during the period named “Era of Vargas”, the Dutra government and the Military Dictatorship. This mechanism implanted by the getulist’s state was used, in the first moment, as a way to remove communist militants out of the syndicate structures and public service. During its second phase of existence (the Military Dictatorship) it’s perceptible that its functionality was extended, expanding the levels of social control of the government and political police. This article aims analyzing the ruptures, continuities and transformations of the political ideology’scertificate. Therefore, the aim is to investigate the extent to which the state and repressive structures have used this mechanism, its implications in society and political movements, the disappearance of public-private borders, conflicts between constitutionality, legality and “exception” through primary sources such as correspondence, institutional documents, legislation, legislative proposals etc.”

The General Carlos de Meira Mattos was one of the main thinkers of the Brazilian geopolitical issue, besides being an active articulator of the “project of Brazil” that was consolidated with the civil-military coup in 1964. In view of this, the central objective of this research was to reproduce and analyse, critically, the set of ideas elaborated by Meira Mattos. For this purpose, besides probing the sense of the ensemble of his individual work and the constitutive features of his theoretical perspectives as a whole, we have centralized the investigation in themes that translated better the research’s finality. At the same time, we sought to understand the historical and social context of the second half of the twentieth century, in which we demarcated international ideological disputes in their implications for the conspiracy and military coup in 1964. Lastly, we return our analysis to the way how Mattos brought forward the political project of the dictatorial government in 1964, giving special attention to his geopolitical work and his role as an ideologist.

This article aims to deal with how the military regime’s surveillance in Passo Fundo / RS took place during February 1979, through the Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI), a public spy agency created in 1964. It also seeks to analyze the background and developments of the event popularly known as the Revolta dos Motoqueiros, organized in protest over the death of Clodoaldo Teixeira, 17 years old, shot in the back by a military policeman after a persecution. The SNI produced processes around this case, presented as a “disturbance of public order”, identifying and overseeing the alleged agitators of the revolt. In this sense, the monitoring of the federal agency on the situation is paradigmatic for Passo Fundo in the period, resulting from questioning the instituted powers and their forms of action in full regime of exception. The reviewed documentation had confidential status in the past, but is now freely available on the Arquivo Nacional website.

This article aims to analyze the importance of the social networks created among the families and/ or immigrants from South Brazil who entered Paraguay between the 1970s and 1980s in the maintenance of their own identities in some cities of the department of Alto Paraná. Starting from the historiographic review of the theme, it is sought to identify which elements of composition of its ethnic and regional identity weremaintained, what traits were assimilated, giving rise to a hybrid identity and which resistances present. It starts from the assumption that it is a frontier zone and, consequently, with fluid or porous identities. Even in this context, the Brazilian immigrants differed in relation to each other through the language and their original culture maintained through the created cultural networks, which preserve the relation of these very close to the country of origin. As sources of study, historiographical review and oral sources were used.

Apresentação da edição 2019/1 - Revista Oficina do Historiador

This article aims to explain the influence of internal conflicts on the emergence of Mozambican National Resistance (RNM) and the population’s adhesion to the Guerrilla movement as a way to recover its identity. Also, this article will explain the periods of Renamo’s political and strategic transformations from 1976 to 1992. However, the Renamo is a guerrilla movement founded in 1976 and began its armed incursions in 1977 in the province. de Manica and Sofala after the independence of Mozambique, with a discourse turned in the struggle against Marxist-Leninist that the country was going through at the time.

This article intends to explore the social reproduction of the city of Porto Alegre in the column A Cidade, signed by the chronicler Roque Callage, in the newspaper Diário de Notícias. To this explore this factor, texts such as Roger Chartier, Pierre Bourdieu and Émile Durkheim are used as theoretical contributions, as well as some Callage chronicles. The research presents and discusses topics such as Habitus and Social Fields, as well as Symbolic Production Fields, which help to understand the relations and social representations of Porto Alegre in Callage’s conception. It is possible to perceive in A Cidade not only the various points of view that the chronicler has of the Rio Grande do Sul capital, but also also the configuration of a multiple society and the result of tensions between groups with distinct social capitals. The diverse ambiences through which the chronicler Roque Callage transits allow to legitimize his role as an observer of urban changes, relations, approximations and disputes between the distinct groups that form the social fields of Porto Alegre.

This article aims to present a contribution to the debate on the meaning of the “Lulist” political-economic cycle in Brazil and the reasons for its dramatic decline. The text seeks to point out some of the causesfor the exhaustion of a model that posed itself as an alternative to the liberalism that characterized the 1990s, also called neoliberalism or the Washington Consensus. In our hypothesis, one of the reasons for the exhaustion of the class conciliation formula symbolized by Lula was the strengthening of a capitalist reproduction pattern that exporters of productive specialization, embodied in the agribusiness and financial activities sector. Although the large trade surpluses provided by this sector were decisive for the social programs that ensured the political success of Lulism, when the economic environment changed after the 2008 world crisis, agribusiness became the pivot of a realignment in the region power bloc, which expressed itself in the collapse of Lulism in the 2016 impeachment.

This article is the first researching outcome that resulted in the analysis of the criticisms and resistances in the photographs of Evandro Teixeira, published on the Cover of the Culture Booklet entitled Caderno B of the Jornal do Brasil, during the Civil-Military Regime. The analysis focuses more precisely on the photographer’s participation in the Culture Book, which runs from March 1963 to Amnesty, in August 1979. We consider the expression of visual discourse as the main focus, and verbal discourse, as input to support, in order to analyze journalistic representations. We present a brief approach on the importance of Caderno B to culture in the national journalistic press, followed by a contextualization of Evandro Teixeira’s work to understand, even partially, his trajectory. Although widely explored in scientific work, there are few studies on the photographer dedicated to emphasizing the perception of the insertion of his photos in the Cultural Notebooks; photographs that go beyond the culture and acts of the high society of Rio de Janeiro to denounce and criticize the current system. Evandro Teixeira’s photos and accompanying news sometimes demonstrate proximity to the drama’s media discourse. His simplified speech, often of an affective format, brought to light a message that readers could easily understand. Time seems to flow in his photos, as if the past were presented, or as if there were a spiral flowing now; or from another angle, sometimes to return to an event that seems to be again what it once was, only different - or both at the same time, in the fabric of a temporal network.

The article presents some reflections from authors who approach the relationship between History, Images and Politics, among them Régis Debray, Carlo Ginzburg, Peter Burke, and Walter Benjamin. With anemphasis on the relationship between image and power and political propaganda, the present text points to theoretical facts capable of guiding political iconography analysis exercises in History teaching, presentingproposals of activities and exercises performed with basic education students.

The purpose of this article is to understand the symbolic representation of Haitian immigration to the Taquari Valley/RS in the newspaper O Informativo do Vale, Lajeado/RS. What is the speech made by the Vale Newsletter? The hypothesis pursued is that the journal develops a cultural as well as an economic discourse. The time frame established is focused on the years 2012 until the end of 2017, considering the migratory wave of the period. The destination was chosen taking into account a number of variables, including culture and the provision of working conditions, and the Taquari Valley became attractive, as several companies, especially in the food and construction industry, found difficulties in hiring labor. The methodology used is qualitative, based on the analysis of the articles published by the journal with the largest regional circulation, as well as the literature review and data collection from the reports. Initially, the theoretical framework is addressed. Then, the newspaper is characterized as a journalistic company. Finally, an analysis is made of the symbolic representation of Haitian immigration in the periodicals.

Entrevista sobre estudos biográficos e história com o Prof. Dr. Jocelito Zalla (CAp-UFRGS).

The concept of “heterodiscourse” (raznorétchie), such as developed by Mikhail Bakhtin, constitutes a powerful and yet still rarely used methodological tool for historians, in particular for the study of literary sources. Understanding it, at first, as the incorporation of the speech of others in the novel, this text intends to elaborate this formulation more deeply. This will be done through dialogue with other traditional concepts of the Bakhtinian arsenal, such as “dialogism” and “polyphony”, but not only. Based on some episodes of Miguel de Cervantes’s Don Quixote (1605-1615), my intention is to elaborate and demonstrate, from the concept of heterodiscourse, analysis tools that could be useful to historians. At first, I formulate the idea of “degree of objectification of language”, seeking to address the complex issue of the authenticity of object representation through language. In a second, more important moment, I propose the systematization of heterodiscourse at progressive levels of different depths – what I called “heterodiscursive levels” – aiming to embrace the multiple layers of social voices present in a novel and better capture the historical reality through which these are circumscribed.