Repositório RCAAP

The present article describes itself to analyze the socio-environmental impacts undertaken by several projects of modernization and expropriation of land in common use of traditional pasture communities in the state of Bahia. The pasture fund, so called by its occupants, has its useful life without using the soil, with no fences, for extensive animal husbandry and for fruit extraction, these in turn are consumed and marketed by these residents. These areas are located mainly in the caatinga biome, with their greatest concentration in the north and northeast regions of Bahia and, in general, facing several problems related to the guarantee of land tenure, dating back to the Land Law of 1850 and several subsequent legislation that do not compare or how to use the land. In addition to the absence of fences, we also practice environmental preservation, since we do not use deforestation or predatory hunting. Since the 1970s, these communities face a series of conflicts motivated mainly by the incursion of the grid into their lands, aiming at land concentration and the implementation of modernizing projects such as the construction of large dams, the implantation of parks and miners and miners, that suffer different damages in the daily lives of these communities.

Based on the analysis of the labour cases initiated by the workers against a group of industries in Porto Alegre, founders of Cinfa (Centro da indústria fabril) whose complaints mainly referred to sickness benefits, the objective is to verify the performance of the Labour Court, as well as its founding principles, the experiences of workers in court disputes, the existing legislation that regulated the payment of salaries or aid in cases of illness and the decisions of the 1ª Junta de Conciliação e Julgamento since its installation (1941 ) until the end of the Estado Novo (1945). It is, therefore, the initial period of the organization and functioning of the Labor Court, a kind of administrative labor court that had relative autonomy due to its connection with the Executive Power.

The Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) increasing in the world is a direct consequence of population and consumption growth. Each year more and more MSW is generated, which needs to be correctly collected and transported. This MSW management stage addresses the collection and transportation of waste from cities to a landfill and is one of the steps that most damage the environment through greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. This study made a historical analysis of the MSW management in the Novo Hamburgo city located in the Rio Grande do Sul state and proposed a new route for MSW collection vehicle trucks using different scenarios. For this, the Network Analyst tool was used within a Geographic Information System software to identify the most efficient routes for MSW collecting vehicles. Based on this information, the financial costs and GHG emissions to carry out the MSW collection were estimated. The results showed that to mitigate the gases emitted by MSW collection trucks in one year, it would be necessary to plant more than 285 thousand Atlantic Forest native trees accordingly to the routing scenario choose, this gives an average area equivalent to 15,900 soccer fields, without taking into account the transportation of this MSW to the Minas do Leão landfill, which is located more than 100 km away from the Nova Hamburgo center and would considerably increase this value. Therefore, the MSW management historical analysis and the definition of more efficient MSW collection routes will bring to the city better public cleaning services and environmental impacts mitigation.

SOARES, Fabrício Antônio Antunes; SILVA, Ricardo Oliveira da. História e literatura: abordagens interdisciplinares. Criciúma, SC: UNESC, 2019.    

In this paper we have approached the concept of honour. We have alsoconducted a case study about the increased possibility of litigation because of the expansion of the legal system of the Brazilian Empire. The theoretical reflection has been based on sociohistorical and anthropological approaches of honour as social, family and subjective phenomenon. Historical studies have shown that, as Modern State becomes structured, honour disputes gradually become a legal issue. People from different social classes begin to use the court to defend their personal image. Whether conflicts were violent or not, honour was a value which made them worthwhile because brought people social prestige. A good example is the case of Pedro Cazanga, a resident of the hamlet of Arcos, in the Province of Minas Gerais, in the nineteenth century. He required the “right” to his honour in a legal dispute, which shows not only the importance of honour at that time, but also what was allowed by the legal system.

Presentation of the thematic dossier "History and Environment" of the issue 2020/2 of Oficina do Historiador.

The late 1970s and early 1980s marked England through the neoliberal measures instituted by Margaret Thatcher. In this context, social inequalities and poverty have advanced mainly in the peripheral neighborhoods of large cities. In London the reality was no different, in which neighborhoods formed by a majority of immigrants suffered from unemployment and police violence, in addition to the constant increase in the prison population. The urban chaos resulted in the appearance of popular uprisings, which we will try to portray through two songs by the punk rock band called The Clash. We will use the songs Guns of Brixton and London Calling to reflect on the historical moment that London was going through. The songs are from the year 1979, and the popular revolt of Brixton occurred in the year 1981, however, since when the music was written, tensions in the neighborhood existed, and a great revolt arose between the 10th and 12th of April 1981. I will try to understand how the urban climate allowed the songs to portray the events that happened two years later in such a real way, for this, I will use as a theoretical reference authors who problematize postmodernity and criticize neoliberalism, especially due to the actions Thatcher government.

One of the great problems of the sciences in general, is the constant search for universalizations, generalizations and systematizations of their objects, data, contents and results. Perhaps they are still vestiges or remnants of positivism or the identification with a possible scientism. However, in doing so, the very character, role, meaning and function of science is denied, which is to be provisional, and not permanent or eternal. Even in certain cases, there is the possibility of universalization, generalization and systematization, in which they will also remain open and not closed in themselves. Therefore, this work seeks to examine and reflect on what history is, the meaning of history and historiography by approaches, aspects and instruments of philosophy, sociology, anthropology, philosophy of history, historiography, theory of history, writing history and others. This is so that in this way we may be able to get rid of certain myths, contents and productions of a certain history and universalist historiography. Since, in such a narrative and writing of history, there were many misinterpreted, mythical and generalizing interpretations of the history of the world and of people in general, where Eurocentrism, Europeanism and Westernism took over the presentation and representation of historical and culture of the world, almost an acculturation and homogenization of peoples, cultures and ethnicities, mischaracterizing them in their own narratives and historical processes, all within a “Western historical package and product.” In which the story was placed and reduced to determinisms of different types and modes. Therefore, one of the crucial objectives here is to deconstruct such narratives, perceptions and procedures of sneaky acculturation and ethnocentrism in world history. Therefore, if it is necessary to overcome any and all narrative, writing and historical production that places groups, ethnicities and cultures between superiors and inferiors in historical production and in history, in which the superior groups make history and are the protagonists of it, while the inferior groups are the mere supporting actors in the world, as well as in historical production. This is because its history and production are fields of disputes, conflicts and clashes of ideals. Occurring thus, even by scientific production.

The purpose of this article is to discuss the performance of the School Meals Council (SMC) in the municipal schools of Passo Fundo, a municipality located in the North of the State of Rio Grande do Sul (RS), verifying the performance of the members in the inspection and participation of the National Program School Meals (PNAE) at the municipal level. This is an explanatory research, with a qualitative approach to the data collected through interviews, bibliographic and documentary research. SMC is a public policy management council, whose purpose is to monitor, supervise and control the application of resources destined to PNAE, having a supervisory, deliberative and advisory character. The results found indicate that this council is participatory, active and dialogues with other councils, aiming to contribute to the improvement of the PNAE. However, it is highlighted that one of the main difficulties refers to the high turnover of its members.

The current paper aims to present and reflect about a project named “Seridó: on the History steps”, which was developed on the Program Pedagogical Residency (RP), of the Degree in History at UFRN – Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte – Caicó Campus. The mentioned Project was developed at the State School Antônio Aladim (EEAA), in the city of Caicó/RN. During the first term of 2019, scholarship holder residents of the program developed classes and activities which debated about the concepts of memory, identity, patrimony and local History. The crowning achievement of the Project was a field class which had as an itinerary the main historic sites of the city of Caicó. The results reinforce the importance of studying about Patrimony Education and Local History at the school curriculum, as long as it enables the students to recognize themselves as agents involved in the production of History.

The growth of social movements such as Feminism has been remarkable. Removing conservative perspectives on it, its need, legitimacy, and importance, as well as advances and achievements, are undeniable. The changes we are going through due to the intensive insertion of the internet in our daily lives are also being reflected in the ways of struggle, debate, and expression. In this sense, it is also notable the growing number of women engaged, organized by their rights and how this enhances the political strength of these organizations. Manuel Castells (2012) states that the intrinsic relationship between socio-political actions that start on social networks and impact cohesive and politically engaged crowds are causing these huge changes in the political-institutional direction. It is from this perspective that we intend to understand the articulation that occurred in the 2018 Elections in Brazil. In this sense, we will look at the movement carried out by women, known as “Ele Não”, and the articulations made by supporters of the then candidate Jair Bolsonaro.

This article restores the historiographic prescriptions of a scholar forgotten by the circles of readers of the History of Brazilian Historiography. We tell about Olegário Herculano de Aquino e Castro, president of the (IHGB) and the (STF) at the republican emerge. It is believed that Olegário Herculano had a leading role in defending the activities of the IHGB at a time of profound uncertainty, because he was moderate the heritage of the past monarchy and republican expectations. It is possible to say that his official speech, considered an authorized speech and It’s notice in his presidential speeches, whether as a product and producer of the historiographic experience lived in the IHGB of the first republican decades. Although they are not agreed, his prescriptions signalized to the interests of a significant portion of the members of the Carioca association. In short, our article intends to address the epistemic (and political) contexts that entangled Olegário Herculano’s reflections, as well as to present to the public in general this man of letters and of State still little known.

In this paper, we aim, through the analysis of the burlesque poem Batracomyomachia, to present the correspondences with the Homeric poem, Iliad (8th century BC) from the conventional motifs of the epic genre. Batracomyomachia is a short poem, written in dactylic hexameters, that chronicles the battle between frogs and rats over the course of a day (dating from the 6th century BC to the 1st BC). We will, then, point out the issues concerning the authorship, which are far from any consensus. Next, we will discuss about the support and writing of the poem, as we note the relevance of the discussion for this work and, finally, we will analyze the topic of dressing and the description (ekphrasis) of weapons, having in view the permanence and re-writings of the Homeric language.

This article aims to analyze the publications of Reinaldo Azevedo in the social media Twitter. Three different moments will be explored: the June 2013 protests; the narratives about Dilma Rousseff, in the context of the 2014 presidential elections; the post-electoral protests, which took place betweenthe end of 2014 until December of 2015, when Eduardo Cunha agreed to open the impeachment process. In order to do so, the methodology of the political discourse analysis will be used.

This article analyzes the process of the afro-descendants quotas implementation, highlighting what happened at the Federal University of Mato Grosso, from 2003 to 2020, especially in 2012, when the institution adapted the quotas Law. The main conflicts are discussed with advocates of meritocracy and university excellence. Additionally, as a brief historical report, some basic debates about racism and social reparation in Brazil are analyzed. There are also presented some social indicators and the quantitative distribution of the “affirmative action” spots in the university until 2020 and some facets of academic racism. The methodology included bibliographic analysis, social indicators and institutional data. As a conclusion, this article understands that the quotas for afro-descendants are one of the tools in the fight against structural racism, considering the discrimination that the black population has historically suffered in Brazil and that there is still a long way to go, especially by expanding the dimensions for graduate studies, taking into account that, in this article, more emphasis was placed on the intersectionalities of race and social class.

This article examines filmmaker Paulo Gil Soares’s early work with a particular focus on the documentary O Homem de Couro (1969/70), in the context of Brazil’s military dictatorship (1964-85), the documentary-film initiative known as the “Farkas Caravan,” and 1960s-era Brazilian documentary more broadly. I argue that Soares’s O Homem de Couro represents an audiovisual renewal and revision of Euclides da Cunha’s portrayal of the northeastern vaqueiro in Os Sertões (1902). In the film, Soares’s depiction of the vaqueiro served as both a tribute to these national folk heroes and a reminder to viewers that da Cunha’s scathing turn-of-the-century portrait of the northeastern social order should not be considered a relic of the past. Timeless northeastern verses drive the narrative, reinforcing that message. In this way, Soares made a film that was both beautiful and denunciatory without resorting to pedagogical voiceovers or orthodox dogma. He meanwhile updated key elements of Os Sertões for the 1960s and ‘70s. Soares offered subjectivity that was lacking in da Cunha’s account, discrediting da Cunha’s nineteenth-century biological and geographical determinism. He also documented inauspicious shifts in this labor market that threatened the vaqueiro’s future. In the early 1970s, Soares would go on to found the influential documentary-journalism program Globo Repórter. By focusing on his work with the Farkas Caravan, this article contributes a new perspective on a key but previously overlooked element in the formation of the Brazilian school of documentary film and journalism, and on the enduring legacies of da Cunha’s work.

The article proposes a reflection about the future image construction made by the Japanese animation Ghost In The Shell (1995). The attempt is to think new technology interface between story and animation, which work with and speak about this new technology. The analyses key also crosses dislocation and encounters between elements of cyberculture and Japanese culture, showing that the future image projected is an image of possibilities.

This article aims to analyze the profile “Feliz Aniversário Seu Artur”, published in the Realidade magazine May 1966. The article about the Minister of War, Artur da Costa e Silva, antecipates his arrival as leader of dictatorial government in Brazil. Realidade was a magazine considered transgressive when it approached the plan of customs, however, it maintained dialogue with conservative sectors, as in the profiles of dictators constantly published during the first years of the magazine, always written by Luiz Fernando Mercadante. Thus, it is intended to understand, through a critical analysis of the narrative, the strategies used to build the character, which would be introduced in three more opportunities, directly or indirectly, showing a symbolic negotiation between the magazine and the Civil-Military Dictatorship. For this reason, it also seeks to understand the ideology’s modes of operation in the final version. In addition, it discusses the possibility of using magazines not only as sources, but as objects in historical research, capable of revealing the relations of power. Finally, it is perceived that the profile evidences the power relations between Realidade and Dictatorship, by the choices present in the text and by the care in reconstructing Costa e Silva in other occasions, legitimating him to the reading public.

The article deals with the memory of the Syrian-Lebanese immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, based on the consultation of newspaper articles published since the end of the 19th century, as well as of their descendants, nowadays, also resorting to periodicals. Our main objective is to verify how they were and are approached by the press in the Southernmost State of Brazil. The research in newspapers was deepened with documental investigation in public archives. We review news about crimes and conflicts, sociability practices, raise general information about their failures and successes, as well as talk about differences within the group. Biographies, newspaper reports and obituaries are taken from the pages of the periodicals to compose this work. We structured the narrative based on the interactions between journalistic material and research in historical documents deposited in public archives.

The current research aims to analyze the editorials produced by Jornal do Brasil, representative of the great press, between 1964 and 1968. The objective is to analyze the definitions and justifications around the civil-military coup and the military government, for this, the study focuses on understanding the concept of “Revolution” recorded by the journal in this context. Thus, it is verified that political changes are reflected in the discourse that needs to be accommodated, demonstrating its contradiction in the face of historical moment of uncertainties and political instability. The press written during this moment exercised strong influence on public opinion, thus using its pages to press and interfere in the government political agenda, it is also possible to notice its intention to justify its political positions. Despite its line of defense to the government, the journal understands, even before the outbreak of Institutional Act n.º 5, that the military’s stay in power and repression mean sums threat to its freedom of the press.