Repositório RCAAP

This article restores the historiographic prescriptions of a scholar forgotten by the circles of readers of the History of Brazilian Historiography. We tell about Olegário Herculano de Aquino e Castro, president of the (IHGB) and the (STF) at the republican emerge. It is believed that Olegário Herculano had a leading role in defending the activities of the IHGB at a time of profound uncertainty, because he was moderate the heritage of the past monarchy and republican expectations. It is possible to say that his official speech, considered an authorized speech and It’s notice in his presidential speeches, whether as a product and producer of the historiographic experience lived in the IHGB of the first republican decades. Although they are not agreed, his prescriptions signalized to the interests of a significant portion of the members of the Carioca association. In short, our article intends to address the epistemic (and political) contexts that entangled Olegário Herculano’s reflections, as well as to present to the public in general this man of letters and of State still little known.

In this paper, we aim, through the analysis of the burlesque poem Batracomyomachia, to present the correspondences with the Homeric poem, Iliad (8th century BC) from the conventional motifs of the epic genre. Batracomyomachia is a short poem, written in dactylic hexameters, that chronicles the battle between frogs and rats over the course of a day (dating from the 6th century BC to the 1st BC). We will, then, point out the issues concerning the authorship, which are far from any consensus. Next, we will discuss about the support and writing of the poem, as we note the relevance of the discussion for this work and, finally, we will analyze the topic of dressing and the description (ekphrasis) of weapons, having in view the permanence and re-writings of the Homeric language.

This article aims to analyze the publications of Reinaldo Azevedo in the social media Twitter. Three different moments will be explored: the June 2013 protests; the narratives about Dilma Rousseff, in the context of the 2014 presidential elections; the post-electoral protests, which took place betweenthe end of 2014 until December of 2015, when Eduardo Cunha agreed to open the impeachment process. In order to do so, the methodology of the political discourse analysis will be used.

This article analyzes the process of the afro-descendants quotas implementation, highlighting what happened at the Federal University of Mato Grosso, from 2003 to 2020, especially in 2012, when the institution adapted the quotas Law. The main conflicts are discussed with advocates of meritocracy and university excellence. Additionally, as a brief historical report, some basic debates about racism and social reparation in Brazil are analyzed. There are also presented some social indicators and the quantitative distribution of the “affirmative action” spots in the university until 2020 and some facets of academic racism. The methodology included bibliographic analysis, social indicators and institutional data. As a conclusion, this article understands that the quotas for afro-descendants are one of the tools in the fight against structural racism, considering the discrimination that the black population has historically suffered in Brazil and that there is still a long way to go, especially by expanding the dimensions for graduate studies, taking into account that, in this article, more emphasis was placed on the intersectionalities of race and social class.

This article examines filmmaker Paulo Gil Soares’s early work with a particular focus on the documentary O Homem de Couro (1969/70), in the context of Brazil’s military dictatorship (1964-85), the documentary-film initiative known as the “Farkas Caravan,” and 1960s-era Brazilian documentary more broadly. I argue that Soares’s O Homem de Couro represents an audiovisual renewal and revision of Euclides da Cunha’s portrayal of the northeastern vaqueiro in Os Sertões (1902). In the film, Soares’s depiction of the vaqueiro served as both a tribute to these national folk heroes and a reminder to viewers that da Cunha’s scathing turn-of-the-century portrait of the northeastern social order should not be considered a relic of the past. Timeless northeastern verses drive the narrative, reinforcing that message. In this way, Soares made a film that was both beautiful and denunciatory without resorting to pedagogical voiceovers or orthodox dogma. He meanwhile updated key elements of Os Sertões for the 1960s and ‘70s. Soares offered subjectivity that was lacking in da Cunha’s account, discrediting da Cunha’s nineteenth-century biological and geographical determinism. He also documented inauspicious shifts in this labor market that threatened the vaqueiro’s future. In the early 1970s, Soares would go on to found the influential documentary-journalism program Globo Repórter. By focusing on his work with the Farkas Caravan, this article contributes a new perspective on a key but previously overlooked element in the formation of the Brazilian school of documentary film and journalism, and on the enduring legacies of da Cunha’s work.

The article proposes a reflection about the future image construction made by the Japanese animation Ghost In The Shell (1995). The attempt is to think new technology interface between story and animation, which work with and speak about this new technology. The analyses key also crosses dislocation and encounters between elements of cyberculture and Japanese culture, showing that the future image projected is an image of possibilities.

This article aims to analyze the profile “Feliz Aniversário Seu Artur”, published in the Realidade magazine May 1966. The article about the Minister of War, Artur da Costa e Silva, antecipates his arrival as leader of dictatorial government in Brazil. Realidade was a magazine considered transgressive when it approached the plan of customs, however, it maintained dialogue with conservative sectors, as in the profiles of dictators constantly published during the first years of the magazine, always written by Luiz Fernando Mercadante. Thus, it is intended to understand, through a critical analysis of the narrative, the strategies used to build the character, which would be introduced in three more opportunities, directly or indirectly, showing a symbolic negotiation between the magazine and the Civil-Military Dictatorship. For this reason, it also seeks to understand the ideology’s modes of operation in the final version. In addition, it discusses the possibility of using magazines not only as sources, but as objects in historical research, capable of revealing the relations of power. Finally, it is perceived that the profile evidences the power relations between Realidade and Dictatorship, by the choices present in the text and by the care in reconstructing Costa e Silva in other occasions, legitimating him to the reading public.

The article deals with the memory of the Syrian-Lebanese immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, based on the consultation of newspaper articles published since the end of the 19th century, as well as of their descendants, nowadays, also resorting to periodicals. Our main objective is to verify how they were and are approached by the press in the Southernmost State of Brazil. The research in newspapers was deepened with documental investigation in public archives. We review news about crimes and conflicts, sociability practices, raise general information about their failures and successes, as well as talk about differences within the group. Biographies, newspaper reports and obituaries are taken from the pages of the periodicals to compose this work. We structured the narrative based on the interactions between journalistic material and research in historical documents deposited in public archives.

The current research aims to analyze the editorials produced by Jornal do Brasil, representative of the great press, between 1964 and 1968. The objective is to analyze the definitions and justifications around the civil-military coup and the military government, for this, the study focuses on understanding the concept of “Revolution” recorded by the journal in this context. Thus, it is verified that political changes are reflected in the discourse that needs to be accommodated, demonstrating its contradiction in the face of historical moment of uncertainties and political instability. The press written during this moment exercised strong influence on public opinion, thus using its pages to press and interfere in the government political agenda, it is also possible to notice its intention to justify its political positions. Despite its line of defense to the government, the journal understands, even before the outbreak of Institutional Act n.º 5, that the military’s stay in power and repression mean sums threat to its freedom of the press.

The article discusses the political trajectory of Bento de Figueiredo Tenreiro Aranha, an important intellectual and journalist from the Far North of the country, where he stood out as the greatest propagandist of the republican cause. Dividing his long public life of more than 50 years between the cities of Belém and Manaus, he became, around 1870, a pioneer in the defense of the republican regime in Amazonas and Pará, reverberating his ideas of a popular and revolutionary Republic through a journalistic chronicle most intense and incisive. Discontented with the Republic, he became associated with political Jacobinism for turning his radical criticism against the first republican governments and the winning model of Republic of the 15th of November. Bento Aranha, who came to assume several parliamentary terms in the Province of Amazonas, came to the end of his life considering himself excluded and ostracized. His uncomfortable voice contributed to also make him forgotten, not only by the society in which he worked (and fought for), but also by historiography. To accompany him through his chronicles in the press, is to open the possibility for the understanding of how the Republic was thought, received and also fought outside the traditional spaces of power in Brazil.

This article aims to highlight black women in the history of Brazil from a historiographic analysis, having as its starting point the premise that our country is marked by violence undertaken to this portion of the population that sees itself pushed by the reality of subalternization since the time of colonization. By mapping these created narratives that center on the black woman as a historical subject, we will understand what were the paths and mishaps faced and also how developed the forms of resistance found to ensure their survival, of their families and communities. However, we point out that it is not possible to think black women without inserting them in the markers of gender and race, stressing on the latter that historical studies can and should view racial groups as heterogeneous, taking into account the existence of multiple ethnic identities and thus seeking the understanding of their specificities that must be observed in the light of the historicity regime from which racialized groups are entrenched. Thereby, the decolonial perspective and black feminism will help us to reflect aspects inherent to the movement of brazilian black women who over time never conformed to the place of oppression and who through confrontations and struggles aimed to transform their realities.

Taking into consideration black women as a construct, this paper aims, from an intersectional perspective, to reflect on their social, political and identity locations, in order to think if a theory of knowledge, that puts black women at the heart of its researches, tends to stress the importance of other epistemic directions for the production and validation of knowledge, which could question some versions of prevailing truths that claim for universality.

The article seeks to explore the mainly historiographical dimension and the theoretical-methodological approaches, propositions, advances, and limitations of Beatriz Nascimento (1942-1995) in her trajectory as a historian and theoretician of History. From the documentary point of view, we used the book-archive Beatriz Nascimento, Quilombola e Intelectual: Possibilidades nos dias da destruição (2018). In the development of the analysis we elaborate, through an analysis of the history of Brazilian Historiography, the symbolic intertwining of the connection “White hands/Black hands” that emerged from the intellectual relationships between the author and Brazilian historian José Honório Rodrigues back into the 1960s, in Rio de Janeiro, and argue that Beatriz Nascimento’s theoretical articulations amalgamated political, social and cultural discussions that gave rise to the first steps, in the social context of the contemporary Black Movements in the 1970-90s, of a Black Historiography in the Brazil, in a critical, decolonial and undisciplined anti-racist stance of politicization of knowledge and rejection of the colonial foundations of the Western epistemic rationale.

The present study analyzes the correspondences between Mário de Andrade and Tarsila do Amaral, during the years 1922 to 1940. The epistolary exchanges, modernist intellectual sociability networks, are part of a whole set of events in between history. The present study made it possible to understand aspects related to the debate established about the modernist movement, observing the private life of your precursors, and the dialogues and exchanges that were addressed.

This work analyzes the socio-cultural universe of babassu coconut “quebradeiras” from Maranhão, through a collection of songs, to try to understand from a different perspective some elements that make up their worldviews. To this end, it makes a historical reading on the socio-political organization of women's groups in Maranhão territory in recent decades. Then, the text focuses on the songs, compiled in a book, entitled “Canto e encanto nos babaçuais ...”. A reading of these songs is made, in an attempt to reveal more about the world of these women, to reach what can be called “blind spots”, the unintended elements of their expressions. With this, try to better understand the daily life, beliefs, fears and life perspectives of this social group.

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For historian Maria Beatriz Nascimento (1942-1995), historiography has produced over the years a series of distortions and neglects on the past of black populations, thus to (re)Writing the history of the Quilombos, the author proposed that this be done from other temporalities, theories and aspirations, in view of a reconciliation of the black populations with their past and with the possibilities of future opened by this movement.However, despite the importance of his productions to the debates on black subjectivity, race and historiography throughout the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s in Brazil, his work and agency figure little in the historical discipline as a theoretical and historiographical possibility for the writing of history. Thus, we propose in this article to celebrate their productions, taking them as “a possibility in the days of destruction”, for this, we have as a central question and focus the conception of an epistemology that privileges the (re)writing of history before a black perspective, in order to highlight the theoretical power of the historian’s thought for her area of academic training and performance.

Corporatism was one of the most influential authoritarian representation models from the first half of the 20th century. It grew both in Europe and other parts of the world, e.g., Brazil, where several intellectuals developed theories ingrained by the idea of the corporate state as a form of political and social organization. Amidst these intellectuals, Plínio Salgado and Miguel Reale stand out as leaders of the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB)–a fascist-leaning movement created in 1932 based on the ideals of nationalism, anti-liberalism, and anti-communism whose central objective was to establish the Integral State, guided by its nationalist-corporate content. This work employs a Comparative Historical Analysis–which enables the investigation of singular trajectories as a way of understanding world history phenomena–to analyze how the trajectories of Salgado and Reale influenced their theories on corporatism, given they found common ground over various doctrinal aspects of the integralist movement but also had intellectual peculiarities and divergences.

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The discussion of temporalization within historical discourses presents us, among other nuances, the concepts that orbit it. In this sense, proposing a deeper dialogue on this issue can contribute as a theoretical basis for students, researchers and history lovers in the debate, reflection and problematization of the ways of conceiving the temporalization of history. Thus, this article aims to discuss concepts related to time. In order to respond to this scenario, we used a documental and bibliographic research, which was based on scientific articles, books, dissertations, theses, websites, among other sources, for the survey, collection and analysis of data in a qualitative way. As a result, we dialogued on three characteristics that are correlated to time: temporality, duration, and historical process. In relation to the first, which is temporality, this is made through the human perception of understanding the temporal connection existing between past, present, and future. The second is established by duration, therefore, we consider that this is not regulated by chronological time, but rather, its subjective understanding is relative to the movement and permanence from the present to the new. The third characteristic is the historical process, which is based on the succession of historical events. However, it should be noted that around the historical process gravitate relevant concepts such as: historical event/fact; becoming; and, continuities and ruptures. These concepts are complementary, but at the same time antagonistic, and they fight among themselves in the field of study of each human activity or even among them. Therefore, we perceive them as dialectically united in a flux in which they are established as the driving force of the very movement of history. We conclude, then, that when discussing about the concepts that orbit the issue of time, it allows the widening of the theoretical framework for a generation of historians who were formed without a more consistent reflection on temporalization within the historical discourses.