Repositório RCAAP

Resenha de: MILLER, James Rodger. Skyscrapers hide the heavens: a history ofIndian-White relations in Canada. University of Toronto Press, 2017.

Transatlantic e/immigration in the nineteenth century until the middle of the twentieth century, in addition to population displacement, put into circulation the writings of itself - letters, travel reports, autobiographies -, with the purpose of sending news to those who remained. These private writings contributed to promote emigration and the propaganda of the colonies in formation, or to denounce the situation of emigrants abroad. In this context, the present study deals with German e/immigration and private colonization in the northwest of Rio Grande do Sul in the beginning of the 20th century. Its objective is to analyze the representations of the colony and its settlers present in the writings of German immigrants, established in the private colony Neu-Württemberg, municipality of Cruz Alta and Palmeira, gathered and published in the Korrespondenzblatt von Dr. Herrmann Meyer’s Ackerbaukolonien, published in Leipzig, Germany, in May 1903, with two numbers. This is a reproduction of articles and letters from German immigrants published in the German press and in the ethnic press of Rio Grande do Sul, selected by Herrmann Meyer, owner of the Colonization Company Dr. Hermann Meyer, put into circulation with the aim of publicizing their colonization enterprise and attracting/convincing potential emigrants. Therefore, the material studied brings signs of the colonization project; delimits the place of speech and the social networks of Meyer; opens space for speech of the immigrant, represented by the colonist and the woman; and highlights the role of the press in the popularization of possible destinies for German e/immigrants in the South of Brazil.

The paper aims to analyze narratives published in 1991 and 1992 by the Journal of Entre Rios in commemoration of the 40th’ birthday of the district founding, in Guarapuava, Paraná, Brazil. Entre Rios’s district was founded between March 1951 and January 1952, with the settlement of 2,500 refugee immigrants of World War II coming from areas of the former Yugoslavia, Hungary and Romania, who collectively identify themselves as Danube Swabian and had been exiled since 1944 in Austria. The focus of this paper is to analyze how the events are narrated by the referred newspaper, articulating them to different temporalities. The narratives involved about: the past of the group of Europe, the early years in Brazil, the present of the community and their expectations of the future, relating ideas about time, history and agricultural development of Entre Rios.

The objective of this paper is to describe the different ways in which the reception and circulation of the ideas of the left (freedom, equality, union and resistance) occurred, within the framework of the mobility of two popular intellectuals from Brazil and Colombia, during the first decades of the twentieth century. From a comparative perspective I will locate the forms of circulation through the deployment of both spatial and temporal scales, establishing rhythms, continuities and ruptures as constitutive elements of the circulation processes. For the Brazilian case, I will turn to the figure of Abilio de Nequete (Fiha, Líbano, 1888 - Porto Alegre, 7 de agosto de 1960). In Colombia, I will identify the trajectory of Raúl Eduardo Mahecha (El Guamo, octubre 13 de 1884 - Bogotá, julio 17 de 1940). Based on this comparison, I will maintain, in terms of hypotheses, that the circulation of ideas at the individual level made it possible that, around ideas, circulation networks were created that enabled their appropriation within the popular sectors. Process that was not only given by the intrinsic strength of the ideas themselves, but by the charisma of the subjects and their image as intellectual-popular. In this way, a double process of intellectual and popular constitution was organized within the framework of the circulation of ideas.

The article deals with the dissemination, translation and recreation of the book De la Liberté des Peuples et des Droits des Monarques Appelés à les Gouverner (1818) by author Civique de Gastine (1793-1822) in the publications of Correio do Rio de Janeiro of 1822. His editor João Soares Lisboa is considered one of the most radical writers of the province who acted in Brazil’s Independence process and was the first and only to be condemned for “republican collusion” in the history of the Empire. Thanks to the dissemination and participation in the writing of the Representação do Povo do Rio de Janeiro, which asked for the convening of Cortes in Brazil to the Prince Regent D. Pedro, his career became a mandatory mention in the narratives about the history of the Independence process Brazil, both to value its initiative and to explain his radicalism. Nevertheless, it is possible to analyze his engagement and development of the ideas of citizenship, participation and popular sovereignty in a constitutional monarchy through the dissemination, circulation, cultural exchange and recreation of Ibero-American publications, especially the work of Civique de Gastine. An author barely published in the periodicals of the time, he is remembered as “abolitionist” because of his works which advocated the abolition of slavery and the indepenence of St. Dominic. Given this scenario, João Soares Lisboa is responsible for his translation and rereading, in order to disseminate his ideas as his main theoretical reference and, at the same time, make them possible as a constitutional monarchy for Brazil in the eyes of a writer and dealer belonging to a group of liberals formed by the mercantile practice and printed in circulation, especially in the late eighteenth century.

The Plano Real from abroad: an analysis of the Anglo-American economic press on Brazil’s economic stabilization. The following paper intends to analyze how the world’s most influential publications with a focus on economic affairs (The Economist, Financial Times, New York Times e Wall Street Journal) perceived the unveiling of the Real Plan. The main focus here will be to analyze the Anglo-American perception about the Brazilian economy at that time. The time frame of the analysis spans from early 1993 until mid 1994, after the Real Plan was in full motion and the presidential election was concluded. This research intends to highlight the preconceived notions about Latin America and its lack of economic development, as well as the way all these aspects have shaped the publication perception about the Brazilian events.

This article will address a topic still little explored by historiography: the political thinking of the Brazilian press in the post-war “democratic period” (1946-1964). Analyzes about the political positioning of the main newspapers of the country are quite frequent. However, such works are mainly devoted to identifying the partisan political affiliation of the periods and the possible strategies of “information manipulation”. In some cases, we find research that focuses on the ideological preferences of print, but even here, the principle that newspapers are only reproducers of the interests of the groups and / or social classes that would control them prevails. Contrary to this general trend, our article aims to explore the newspaper Correio da Manhã’s view of Brazilian political democracy during the Second Vargas Government (1951-1954). Our intention is not to identify the positioning of this journal on Getúlio’s management, already well explored by historiography. On the contrary, we intend, based on the arguments used to evaluate the democratic regime, to present the negative diagnosis that this important carioca print makes of this regime, indicating, even in the 1950s, its fragile commitment to the existing democratic institutions. As a key reading about this position, we will relate the newspaper’s view in its spaces of opinion with the ideas of thinker Azevedo Amaral about Brazilian politics in the 1920-1930s. Remember that Amaral was an important writer and editor of the Courier and had a great influence on its main journalists, notably Pedro Costa Rêgo, editor of the newspaper during the period studied.

This article reviews the cultural landscape of the first half of the Cuban twentieth century from a perspective anchored in the historical sociology of scientific knowledge, the history of literature, science and thought, art theory and the sociology of culture. It takes as an excuse the cultural essay of Jorge Mañach and his link with editorial projects such as the advance magazine and intellectual initiatives such as the Universidad del Aire to delimit the impact of these moments in the gradual process of autonomy and legitimization of the Cuban cultural thought evident in the work of this author. It also helps to reveal the specific forms of intellectual sociability, generated from the life and work of this author,

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It’s a point of agreement in historiography that images circulated around the territories of the multicontinental Portuguese monarchy. Despite much of what’s been written on the matter of usage and appropriation of images, few studies have explained the reasons that made painters in Portuguese America adopt as iconographic models representations that were widespread in Portugal and its domains. This article attempts to provide an in-depth discussion about the circulation of such images in 1700’s Portuguese America, having as corpus the iconographic collection of Church of the Third Order of Carmel of Recife, Pernambuco, with a special attention to the works of João de Deus e Sepúlveda.

There was a close connection between the expansion of the press and experiments with new pedagogical strategies in the early industrial age. An expanding public school system required textbooks thus creating a whole new category of demand which appealed to printers who always on the lookout for reliable markets. At the same time, literacy was increasingly understood to be a desirable characteristic for a productive, patriotic citizenry. For a period of five years or so in the 1820s, several sons of important Spanish American patriot leaders were sent abroad to study in a progressive school called Hazelwood, near Birmingham in the heart of industrializing England. While there, the boys and their friends wrote and published a monthly periodical called the Hazelwood Magazine that clearly imitated the contents of professional newspapers andshared the underlying values of the medium.

On January 15, 1624, a tumult broke out in Mexico City, forcing the viceroy to leave the royal palace to save his life. As a result, the Real Audiencia took over the functions of government of the New Spain until Philip IV appointed another viceroy, prompting bitter debate on both sides of the Atlantic and accusations from each side. Who was responsible and what were the causes of the rebellion that had in effect overthrown the Marquis of Gelves? These questions underlie the research presented in this article, which aims to analyze two versions of the riot written between 1624 and 1629 and attributed to the viceroy. In terms of methodology, the proposal will examine both documents seeking answers to those questions and comparing them. In so doing, we have noted a subtle but significant difference: the second version emphatically denied the popular character of the tumult. We then proceed to show how such a denial occurred in order to offer a hypothesis for that change. Our hypothesis holds that there was a shared understanding of sovereignty in Iberian world that made it possible for Gelves to deny the popular character of sedition. He did it for two purposes - to defend his reputation and heritage, and to ensure that the Spanish royal authority over New Spain had not been broken. This became more relevant as conflicts in Europe increased in the 1620s and others countries threatened the overseas domains of Spain.

During the transition from the 1970s to 1980s, a period marked by the resurgence of collective movements in Brazil, the populations of several municipalities located on the banks of the Guaíba-Patos lagoon system found ways to express and assert their concerns regarding the potential pollution produced by a large industrial complex, through activities held right from the first public announcements of its construction. This article is made possible due to more comprehensive interdisciplinary research, which recounts the first phase of the environmental history of this development in Rio Grande do Sul, through interviews, consultation of public and private archives and field work: the 3rd Petrochemical Pole. The major features of the heated public debate the project generated are outlined within the scope of the II National Development Plan (in force during the civil-military dictatorship, and seeks to better understand the debate and clash of ideas manifested during this project, the forerunner of a complex of chemical plants that have now been in operation since 1982 in the cities of Triunfo and Montenegro. It is argued that at a time when environmental standards were scarce throughout the world, the actions and discourse of environmentalists, politicians, technicians, and the population in general were able to push for rigorous protection of the water needed to, among other uses, supply the population of Porto Alegre. These struggles led to the establishment of pragmatic milestones in national environmental protection measures: the pioneering environmental impact study and the resulting method for treating liquid effluents from the Pole.

We intend to explore in this article the Spanish presence in the Amazon from, mainly, from the journals produced by this community in the city of Manaus, trying to understand the dimensions of its ethnic diversity, the actions and activities they undertook in the city and that structured the process of integration and assimilation of them within the Amazonian society.

The anti-clerical expressions of the last decades of the 19th century in Uruguay ended in the so-called crisis of 1901. The events of that year showed a new anti-clericalism, which was also visible in France, Spain and other cities of the Southern Cone of America. On the one hand, the empowerment of the Catholic Church and public expressions of faith fuelled the opposition. The discourse and the “anti-obscurantist” actions were filled with rage. On the other hand, new actors were associated with classical anticlericalism, mainly anarchists who applied direct action also in their resistance to the Christian faith, and Methodist Protestants, who assumed the most radical contradictory positions that were known in the country. 

The arrival of a significant number of Portuguese immigrants to the Amazonian capital and their performance in the period comprised by the expansion and decay of the rubber export economy is taken as a motto for understanding the disputes and ethnic and national conflicts that materialized in the formation of the amazonian proletariat during the years 1890-1930. In spite of the insistence of working-class leaders to reaffirm working-class internationalism, relations between Portuguese and Brazilian workers in Manaus were tense throughout the period and often assumed worrying radicality, to the point of recalling the “fora galegos” movements that took place in various regions of Brazil in the second half of the nineteenth century. The article used the press as its main source, where it was possible to see that the use of derogatory expressions and adjectives thrown to the Portuguese – “galegos”, “pés de chumbo”, etc. – remained a common practice in the city, and was quite amplified among the workers, especially at the time of economic collapse, turning ethnic tensions into one of the most sensitive issues hindering the formation of a workingclass cohesive in their dimensions of organization, mobilization and struggle.

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