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The article deals with the territorial configurations of Mucugê, Chapada Diamantina - Bahia, in the context of rural territories where hydro-agribusiness and peasantry coexist. We tried to reflect on the multiplicity of territorialities, sometimes conflicting in the local reality. The methodology is based on the discussion of theoretical references concerning the agrarian question, agribusiness, peasantry and agrobiodiversity. We sought to systematize secondary data related to the social conditions of life of the local population, in addition to the elaboration of mappings and field surveys in loco, which involves dialogical observations and experiences. In reading the reality in question, it was found that agribusiness transformed the territories of Mucugê, imposing capitalist logics of work on the land, however, alternative forms of work and life based on peasant sociability still persist. The local socioeconomic indexes reflect the social contradictions intrinsic to hydro-agribusiness, in which it was possible to prove that the enunciated wealth and development proclaimed by hydro-agribusiness defenders have rarely contributed to the improvement of the living conditions of the local population. The creation of territorialities by the subjects of peasant family farming constitutes a strategy for social reproduction and permanence in the countryside.

This work presents how Agroecology develops among family farmers in Foz do Iguaçu / PR. The objective is to describe the social organization process of family farmers in Foz do Iguaçu linked to the Western Nucleus of the Ecovida Network of Agroecology. The analytical theoretical framework used corresponds to the social dimension of Agroecology, therefore, It’s a qualitative study that included empirical data such as a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews collected during the field research. The article is divided into five parts: introduction to the proposed theme, to the social dimension of Agroecology, the history of the West region and the factors that determined the development of ecologically based agriculture in that region and the analyzes the social organization process of family farmers in Foz do Iguaçu. Finally, it is evident that among the factors that influenced the production and commercialization of agroecological products and consequently the structuring of the Ecoiguaçu Group is in the formation of an ATER Network that counts on the participation of different organizations that show interest in promote sustainable rural development in the West of Paraná.

In Brazil, women have achieved legal equality since the 1988 Constitution. In the past years, state public policies aimed at groups of greater social vulnerability, have brought women to a central position in family management. It is the relation between these women and the social fragility, articulated to public policies of fighting poverty, that this research analyzes. The field research was performed in the west region of Santa Catarina, between April and May of 2016. We selected ten cities based on criteria of the diversity of social, economic, and demographic contexts and interviewed 40 families assisted by the Bolsa Familia Program, besides ten social assistance professionals. As a data collection method, we used semi-structured interviews. The research results indicate that in the gender division of labor, domestic activities and childcare are the responsibility of women and imply the reinforcement of the poverty situation, generating deprivation about paid work, since they require the constant presence in the homes. Another situation of vulnerability is domestic violence, which led some women to choose to end the affective relationship, which forced them, in most cases, to assume the caring and support of their children. Others, fearing reprisals, do not perform complaints to the competent bodies. The interviewed women live in greater vulnerability than men and although the public policies implemented in the last decades have improved their living conditions, there are no specific actions aimed at their emancipation.

Peasant women from the Juncal settlement, in Naviraí/MS, created Amaju (association of women from the Juncal settlement). In Amaju, women prepare a variety of products (breads, sweets, cookies, handicrafts, among others). The products are sold on the local and institutional market, which contributes to the generation of income and the autonomy of the associated women. Women also develop production for self-consumption linked to reproductive work. Although organized on an economic basis, Amaju constitutes an important channel for the participation of women with consequences for gender, politics, etc.

This paper aims to analyze the class struggle present in the rural setting Brazilian, as well as the different interests involved in them, which unfold in conflicts and socio-territorial and socio-spatial confrontations, explaining the contradictions between. The working class, called by us peasants, Ana the "dominant" class, composed of by the rural bourgeoisie, which employs agribusiness as a mechanism of domination. We want to understand how the social classes of the countryside coexist within the capitalist system, its relations and dualities, as well as the inequalities, in what. Concerning both access to financial resources and the composition of political representativeness, they are evident daily in the country. We analyzed also the state as a means of maintaining hegemony in the countryside, since in order to apropriate the territories that. Are in the hands of the peasants, they need the institutional apparatus in order to legitimize. What the dominant class considere a genuine right, while its dialectic pair, the peasanty, reputed as violence and injustice.

The Brazilian agrarian space, historically, has been characterized by the presence of a process of exclusion and expropriation of certain social subjects from having access to or remaining on the land. Based on this assumption, the article aims to analyze the agrarian issue at the Assu-Mossoró (RN) Integrated Development Pole. In the reflections now sent, this Pole is considered to be the result of the contradictory process of development of capitalism in the countryside, insofar as, on the one hand, it is a project that expresses the modernization of agriculture, and, on the other, it subdues and expropriates peasant family farmers of the locations that are inserted in the Polo area. Bibliographic and documentary research and data collection, especially in the Agricultural Censuses of 2006 and 2017 and in the Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA), constituted the main methodological procedures. It was concluded that, in the referred Pole, small-scale family farming establishments predominate, reflecting a land concentration that has intensified with the presence of capital in the countryside, and that the partnership and leasing by landless farmers signal for not subjugating agribusiness.

O Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar - PNAE é uma política que estimula a inserção dos produtos da agricultura familiar no cardápio escolar, por intermédio de entidades executoras, de forma individual ou coletiva. O objetivo do artigo foi analisar os problemas e potencialidades na execução da compra da agricultura familiar em três municípios do território Sul Litorâneo do Espírito Santo (Anchieta, Iconha, Rio Novo do Sul). A metodologia utilizou dados quantitativos e qualitativos por meio de análises de documentos disponibilizados pelas prefeituras, organizações de agricultores, ATER e trinta e nove pessoas entrevistadas (individual e grupo focal). Percebeu-se que o PNAE avançou nestes municípios, sendo que todos adquirem o mínimo de 30% exigido pela lei, chegando a 100%. Porém, foram verificadas necessidades de melhoria nas chamadas públicas, no cumprimento dos contratos, nos preços e no respeito à sazonalidade dos produtos, e nas articulações entre envolvidos, inclusive internamente às organizações da agricultura familiar.

The study seeks to address the occupied territory in the municipality of Vera, MT, during the process of capitalist expansion. The initial occupation was due to the expansion of the capitalist agricultural frontier to the Midwest and Amazon and occurred in several phases, generating profound socioenvironmental implications. Many peasants went there, needing to open spaces to settle. Subsequently, logging boosted the arrival of new migrants when part of the camp's workforce was displaced to logging. The activity was intense in the 1980s and 1990s, moving rural spaces and the city with several processing industries. In a more recent period (2000 onwards), there was the territory appropriation by agribusiness linked to commodity corporations, bringing economic and social implications to the population of the small town and even to peasant agriculture. The suppression of the forest for the purpose of developing commercial grain agriculture caused enormous degradation to the biome and, at the same time, inserted the territory alienation to the corporate world. Therefore, the perspective of income and work is almost entirely linked to large-scale commercial agriculture.

From the multiple scales of indigenous policy, we can see that the organized struggle conducted by indigenous peoples towards the realization of their territorial rights is configured as the main means of opposition to the combined forces of the State and of the private sector, historically, the main articulators of the progressive land concentration in Brazil. Based on this problematization, the following text aims to present the synthesis of our reflections on the hegemonic models of territorial development and public policies aimed at indigenous peoples in Brazil. In effect, we understand that, regardless of whether they incorporate specific demands or whether they are inserted in universal social programs, around public policies gravitate issues that are of priority to the interests of indigenous peoples, many of which are strategic not only for Brazilian society, but for humanity, as well as those of ethnic-cultural and environmental relevance.

The purpose of this article is to present results of the research done as a final course assignment in getting graduated in Geography from the collection, selection and analysis of public letters from the indigenous people in conflict situation written in 2007-2013 in the Legal Amazon region. Our goal is to identify and analyse in which way the indigenous fight and resistance repertorys in the Amazon can be expressed by the public letters directed, mainly, to the institutional and governmental authorities. We pretend to analyze what is the relation between the distinct contexts of social conflicts expressed in these documents; the built strategies and the articulation set done by indigenous demands for the production of a scale policy based on the circulation of these letters. We are interested in understanding which way the letters express the affirmation of territoriality and valuation of indigenous identities as well as the processes of articulation and consolidation of alliances between distincts etnics groups in search for recognition, guarantees and effectiveness rights. We seek from this research deepen understanding the indigenous fights, stand out another ways to relate with nature, other conceptions of development and future expectations.

A experiência de reforma agrária brasileira é uma das mais complexas do mundo. Ela combina políticas de obtenção de terras com potencial de desconcentração da estrutura fundiária, a exemplo das desapropriações, com outras que, apesar de importantes, não geram a desterritorialização do agronegócio, como é o caso da compra. Diversos trabalhos têm abordado essa realidade, porém, nenhum trata especificamente do estado de Minas Gerais, o qual dentre as unidades federativas brasileiras se destaca por concentrar uma das mais acentuadas conflitualidades no campo. Por isso, neste trabalho tomo como recorte o estado de Minas Gerais para discutir a diversidade de políticas de obtenção de terras na reforma agrária brasileira. Como procedimentos metodológicos realizei levantamentos bibliográficos e documentais, além de ter sistematizado dados sobre assentamentos rurais disponibilizados pelo Banco de Dados da Luta pela Terra (DATALUTA). Dentre os principais resultados, demonstro que a desapropriação é a política de obtenção mais utilizada em Minas Gerais, porém, ela coexiste com outras como o reconhecimento e a compra/doação.

The Xukuru indigenous people live in the Serra do Ororubá, municipalities of Pesqueira and Poção, in the rough of Pernambuco. According to reports by Xukuru leaders, especially Cacique Xikão, murdered in 1998 by farmers, Xukuru is the name of a bird of the forest; ororubá comes from the ubá and / or ororubá tree. The combination of the two names formed Xukuru do Ororubá, which means the Indian's respect for nature. The records of contact with the colonizers date from the 16th century, with the Xukuru ancestors receiving the lands in the 19th century for their participation in the Paraguayan War. Since then, there have been struggles and conflicts between Xukuru and invaders of their lands, cattle ranchers (SILVA, 2008). After many struggles, the Xukuru, under the leadership of Xikão, started a series of retakes of their territory in the late 1980s, only in 2001 to achieve the title and definitive demarcation.

This article was designed to establish an understanding of the importance of the existence of social movements in the countryside, especially those that gave space for coconut breakers to unite and recognize themselves as agents of transformation of their reality. Producing their territory strictly linked to the struggle with groups that have strengthened the confrontation of conflicts of these peasants, often marginalized by capitalist society and thus contribute to ensure social justice in the face of the adversities imposed.   Keywords: Babassu Coconut Breakers. Territory. Organization. PGPM. Maranhão.

The purpose of this article is to carry out an analysis of the resistance of the indigenous territory against the capital offensive, taking as a reference the cultural practices of the Jeripankó indigenous community, located in the outback of Alagoas. The research was developed with Epistemological support Historical-Dialectical Materialism, a method that provides the necessary tools to carry out a critical reading of society, as well as through the techniques of observation, photographic recording and semi-structured interviews, procedures performed in this community. With the theoretical elements and the results obtained in the field research, we found that the territory under the domination of capital is antagonistic to the indigenous territory, since the first is centered on the incessant search for profit, while the second is constituted as a space of life, the result of social relations based on religious, cultural and affective traditions, and this fact is evidenced in the Jeripankó territory, where a set of ritualistic and daily practices materialize that make the territorialities of that community emerge, thus constituting a territory of life for the Jeripankó, anchored in harmonious and collective coexistence.

This work aims to analyze the conflicts around the creation process of the Tauá-Mirim Extractive Reserve, located southwest of São Luís Island - Maranhão State. In addition to observing the bureaucracy for the implantation of the extractive reserve, the constant threats that the communities located in the RESEX are suffering in reason of the great development projects that are trying to take place in the area are also weight.  Hence, it warns the urgency of its approval, mainly due the need to preserve mangroves, floodplain and spring, as well as the reproduction of several marine species and regarding the traditional communities that inhabit over there.  For that, semi-structured interviews and analysis through qualitative research were used as a data collection instrument.  

The present work intends to make a reflection about the concept of territory, as well as the intentionalities present in the concepts that hide the conflict in its genesis. As a result of a territorial discourse, the proposal for a harmonic territory is opposed to the conflictualities existing in the field. By this logic, this study seeks to understand how the bases of the apparently harmonious territorial discourse are presented and opposed in this context, taking the municipality of Apodi-RN as a cut. With regard to methodological procedures, we are guided by bibliographic research, based mainly on authors such as Haesbaert (1997;2009), Raffestin (1993), Stédile (2000), Fabrini (2011), Fernandes (2008a;2008b), Araújo (2000), Andrade (2005) and Pinto (2018). As a technical instrument for data construction, we use direct observation, informal dialogues and a field diary, where we describe the main points observed. Having as subjects that collaborated for the construction of the data shown here, Rural Workers of the Rural Union of Apodi/RN. Identify yourself that the construction of the governmental discourse provides the supremacy of the latifundium to the dictates of capital, while it suffocates and seeks to kill the peasantry due to an alleged harmony.

The Brazilian agrarian structure is marked by deep inequalities in terms of land distribution, as well as access to public policies that enable family agriculture to remain and reproduce, even though it has a significant participation in the country's food production. In this sense, this article aims to analyze family farming and its forms of reproduction in the territory, in the context of public policies developed in favor of its development, focusing on the scenario of the National Program for the Strengthening of Family Farming in the south-Minas Gerais municipality of Poços de Caldas. Thus, it was decided to carry out a case study, as it is a qualitative method capable of assisting in the understanding of a given location, while considering the totality in which it is inserted. The results of this study indicate that in 2017, the number of agricultural establishments that obtained financing by PRONAF in Poços de Caldas, was 40 out of a total of 296 agricultural establishments, with an increase of approximately 23% in relation to the previous census, of 2006 (IBGE 2006, 2017).

The presence of shrimp farming and the wind farm in the quilombola-fishing community of Cumbe (Aracati, Ceará, Brazil), creates and intensifies environmental racism, configuring several socio-environmental conflicts in this traditional territory. In the midst of this, the community seeks to protect the identity, history and way of life of its quilombola people. One of these resistances is community tourism, which contributes to visibility and territorial defense. This article analyzes how the practice of community tourism is configured as an affirmation and appreciation of the quilombola-fishing territory of CumbeThe methodology was based on bibliographic-documentary survey and field research, with the researchers' experience in collective practices organized within the territory, using participatory processes and social cartography. Based on community tourism, Cumbe shows territorial resistance, amid the advance of dominant enterprises that threaten the way of life, history and nature of this quilombola-fishing territory.

Studies the 13th May Party of the Quilombola Dona Juscelina Community in Muricilândia (TO). The objective was to understand this traditional cultural manifestation in the construction of symbolic territory that leads them to exercise territoriality and how their traditions are integrated into the territory. The study is relevant, bringing contributions to the discussions that encompass the relationships of quilombo ethnic groups with nature and their appropriation for the purposes of traditional production modes, as well as the establishment of their territoriality or the struggle to achieve it, involving political and economic power relations. The research has a qualitative character, starting from surveys in the field, we carried out a conceptual and thematic review and mobilized  Oral History’s method. We understand that the 13th May Party is an immaterial territoriality that underlies the territorial rights of the quilombola community under analysis, which claim the concrete territory, it is a link between the past and the present where it provides the group with the production of cultural boundaries that consolidates the identification as a quilombola social category. We believe that the conservation and reproduction of identity traits gives a sense of historical-cultural and symbolic continuity.

This text reflects an excerpt from an academic research developed with the objective of analyzing the dialog between rural extension and environmental education in promoting social changes and local development in the Quilombola Community of Conceição das Crioulas, rural area of the municipality of Salgueiro - PE. This section aims to analyze the process of construction of local development by artisans of the quilombola community through the adoption of environmental education as a strategy to resist cultural values and strengthen the political project of the quilombola community. The research is of a qualitative nature, where data were collected through document analysis, field observations and semi-structured interviews and analyzed using the Discourse Analysis - AD methodology. The subjects of the investigation were: artisans, educators and educators from the community. The environmental education adopted in the knowledge building spaces of the community contributes directly to the formation of a new world view of the subjects of the quilombola community.