RCAAP Repository

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Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1977. 355pp.

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The present article analyzes a set of memorial speeches, such as funeral sermons, panegyrics, treatises, chronicles and epitomes – written throughout the seventeenth century in Portugal and some of its conquests. Based on these documents, the intention was to interpret the way in which the elites of the kingdom and of the conquests understood themselves through the rhetoric-poetic representations of the political order, interpreting its hierarchical and spatial dispositions on the basis of Aristotelian-Thomist conceptions, which broadly provided the foundations of the ideals of nobility and royal power, adopted by both: the local elites and the nobles of the Court.

The aim of this paper is to study the literary censorship during the First Francoism through the analysis of the legislation created on the subject in question and the various facets of the censor process, as well as the actors involved therein. For this, we intend to reflect on the gray areas in the censor process, through the analysis of the negotiation strategies developed by writers in relation to censorship. Therefore, we intend to offer a more complex model that identifies the nuances of censorship’s “power” and its relationship with writers and readers. The investigation was carried out, fundamentally, in the Archivo General de la Administración (AGA) and in the Fundación Pública Gallega Camilo José Cela (FPGCJC).

En los años 1986 y 1987, paralelamente a los trabajos de la Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, a través de una iniciativa de los funcionarios de la Cámara Federal para participación de los ciudadanos en la elaboración del texto constitucional, se desarrolló el proyecto “Diga Gente”, que posibilitaba envío de sugerencias a los constituyentes. Se propone, en este artículo, una reflexión en relación con las presencias de la dictadura ya las esperanzas en la Constitución a partir de las demandas relativas a la tortura que fueron presentadas por los ciudadanos. Para ello, se harán algunas consideraciones sobre cómo la promulgación de la Ley de Amnistía, entendida como una “política de olvido”, intentó impedir el debate sobre el tema en la coyuntura de la transición política, para luego presentar el proyecto “Diga Gente”, y, finalmente, analizar la irrupción de las memorias sobre la dictadura y sus prácticas, principalmente la tortura, en las reivindicaciones encaminadas a los parlamentarios.

From 1962 to 1993, Jornal do Brasil published “Coluna do Castello”, signed by journalist Carlos Castello Branco, one of the most prestigious references of political journalism in the country. It was read by intellectuals, politicians and the military, as well as intelligence and security agents. In this article I analyze how the journalist participated in the debate on human rights in the first years after the AI-5, from 1969 to 1973. From the intersection between law, politics and history, the journalist found ways to publicize violations of rights in the dictatorship. As an intellectual mediator, Castello was engaged in spreading the fundamentals of the rule of law and sought to make intelligible the political-legal principles that guarantee human rights. From the common challenge of resistance to dictatorship through the circulation of reports on human rights violations in the press, it is possible to observe the existence of relations of solidarity and distinction between liberal journalists and left-wing militants.

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Olivier Dabène é doutor em Ciência Política pelo Institut d’Études Politiques de Grenoble (Sciences Po – Grenoble). Atualmente é professor do Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po – Paris), onde atua desde 2005. Dabène é fundador e presidente do Observatório político da América Latina e Caribe (OPALC). Foi professor convidado em diversas universidades no exterior, inclusive no Brasil. Convém ainda destacar a sua atuação enquanto responsável cultural no Consulado da França em São Paulo-SP, Brasil, entre 2000 e 2002. Suas pesquisas se voltam para a análise dos processos de integração regional nas Américas e da democracia na América Latina.

This article proposes a reflection on the photographs taken by the collective news source Mídia Ninja during the protests against the murder of Marielle Franco – Rio de Janeiro city councilor from the party PSOL – on March 14, 2018, in the central area of the city. In moments of mourning like this, protesters place their bodies as barriers against abuses and as a defense of their rights. Based on the investigations of Georges Didi-Huberman, philosopher and art historian specialized in images and gestures from uprisings, I question the potency of the bodies that appear in the photojournalistic pictures. Also, starting from the proposition of W. J. T. Mitchell I try to analyse the photographs of the protest demanding justice for Marielle Franco as a displacement from power to desire.

This article analyze the process by which human rights expertise in Argentina gained a critical place on the public agenda and State policies from the beginning of democracy. For doing so, I’ll study the social trajectories of several groups of legal professionals who promoted and made possible that human rights gained an important place. This analysis shows the value of the important confluence of the legitimacy acquired by this legal expertise since the inclusion of Argentine lawyers in transnational networks, the professionalization of human rights activism and the participation of some of its leaders in key positions within the state structure. The import of this form of expertise produced transformations in the State and in the ways of understanding the commitment to public causes. Through an extensive process to be described here, a new legal and political elite was produced in Argentina.

This article analyzes how religious cleavage has influenced on the structuring of the Chilean political system in different moments of its democratic life: from the victory of the Popular Front in 1938 to the coup d’état of 1973, to which followed the return to democracy in 1990. It suggests that, in spite of secularization and growing number of agnostics, religion has not lost its validity in the public sphere, inspiring the creation of different parties and producing changes in identities and agendas. Religious cleavage has changed its meaning, constantly interacting with other dimensions of ideological competency. As for the catholic field, the process has been beneficial for different groups at different stages, insofar as it expresses a variety of contending interpretations of the public role of faith. At the same time, there is a growing evangelical field and its quest to enter the public arena makes this case more complex, producing new challenges and political alignments.

This article discusses the different faces of the violence in the brazilian nordest after the military civilian dictatorship (1964-1985). Through the Oral History method, we discuss a group of interview realized with leaders of the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST, in Brazil), that during the 1980’s and 1990’s moved from Brazilian South to others areas in the country, especially to the northeast, with the task of to structure the MST nationally.

The world of maritime work between the 16th and 19th centuries was marked by the spatial circulation of large numbers of men. The long absence of the institutions and the community of origin there was consequences to the construction of the maritime culture in the Atlantic. It will be analyzed here in the aspects related to religiosity. I'll highlight aspect such as onboard ceremonies, the question of Maria’s devotion and Catholic saints and a brief study of deviations and heterodoxies of sailors processed by the Portuguese Inquisition.

This research is about human rights violations of women and children who disappeared, kidnapped, imprisoned and tortured during the Chilean dictatorship, registered in the Clamor Fund, of the Center for Documentation and Scientific Information (CEDIC), located at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, and in the Archives of Terror, located in the Center for Documentation and Archives for the Defense of Human Rights (CDyA) of the Supreme Court of Justice of Paraguay, during the years 1973 to 1990. The methodology adopted was the descriptive and analytical documentary. From the analyzed collections, records were selected whose information refers to the arrest, kidnapping and torture of pregnant and detained children. At the end of this study, it was verified that the archives of Terror and the Clamor Fund are very important to the recovery of the historical memory of the Chilean dictatorial period, as well as to the knowledge of the involvement of the brazilian military authorities, together with the Southern Cone countries, in the process of kidnapping, torture and disappearance of hundreds of political activists and their families, violating the human and democratic rights of these citizens.

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