Repositório RCAAP

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Olivier Dabène é doutor em Ciência Política pelo Institut d’Études Politiques de Grenoble (Sciences Po – Grenoble). Atualmente é professor do Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po – Paris), onde atua desde 2005. Dabène é fundador e presidente do Observatório político da América Latina e Caribe (OPALC). Foi professor convidado em diversas universidades no exterior, inclusive no Brasil. Convém ainda destacar a sua atuação enquanto responsável cultural no Consulado da França em São Paulo-SP, Brasil, entre 2000 e 2002. Suas pesquisas se voltam para a análise dos processos de integração regional nas Américas e da democracia na América Latina.

This article proposes a reflection on the photographs taken by the collective news source Mídia Ninja during the protests against the murder of Marielle Franco – Rio de Janeiro city councilor from the party PSOL – on March 14, 2018, in the central area of the city. In moments of mourning like this, protesters place their bodies as barriers against abuses and as a defense of their rights. Based on the investigations of Georges Didi-Huberman, philosopher and art historian specialized in images and gestures from uprisings, I question the potency of the bodies that appear in the photojournalistic pictures. Also, starting from the proposition of W. J. T. Mitchell I try to analyse the photographs of the protest demanding justice for Marielle Franco as a displacement from power to desire.

This article analyze the process by which human rights expertise in Argentina gained a critical place on the public agenda and State policies from the beginning of democracy. For doing so, I’ll study the social trajectories of several groups of legal professionals who promoted and made possible that human rights gained an important place. This analysis shows the value of the important confluence of the legitimacy acquired by this legal expertise since the inclusion of Argentine lawyers in transnational networks, the professionalization of human rights activism and the participation of some of its leaders in key positions within the state structure. The import of this form of expertise produced transformations in the State and in the ways of understanding the commitment to public causes. Through an extensive process to be described here, a new legal and political elite was produced in Argentina.

This article analyzes how religious cleavage has influenced on the structuring of the Chilean political system in different moments of its democratic life: from the victory of the Popular Front in 1938 to the coup d’état of 1973, to which followed the return to democracy in 1990. It suggests that, in spite of secularization and growing number of agnostics, religion has not lost its validity in the public sphere, inspiring the creation of different parties and producing changes in identities and agendas. Religious cleavage has changed its meaning, constantly interacting with other dimensions of ideological competency. As for the catholic field, the process has been beneficial for different groups at different stages, insofar as it expresses a variety of contending interpretations of the public role of faith. At the same time, there is a growing evangelical field and its quest to enter the public arena makes this case more complex, producing new challenges and political alignments.

This article discusses the different faces of the violence in the brazilian nordest after the military civilian dictatorship (1964-1985). Through the Oral History method, we discuss a group of interview realized with leaders of the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST, in Brazil), that during the 1980’s and 1990’s moved from Brazilian South to others areas in the country, especially to the northeast, with the task of to structure the MST nationally.

The world of maritime work between the 16th and 19th centuries was marked by the spatial circulation of large numbers of men. The long absence of the institutions and the community of origin there was consequences to the construction of the maritime culture in the Atlantic. It will be analyzed here in the aspects related to religiosity. I'll highlight aspect such as onboard ceremonies, the question of Maria’s devotion and Catholic saints and a brief study of deviations and heterodoxies of sailors processed by the Portuguese Inquisition.

This research is about human rights violations of women and children who disappeared, kidnapped, imprisoned and tortured during the Chilean dictatorship, registered in the Clamor Fund, of the Center for Documentation and Scientific Information (CEDIC), located at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, and in the Archives of Terror, located in the Center for Documentation and Archives for the Defense of Human Rights (CDyA) of the Supreme Court of Justice of Paraguay, during the years 1973 to 1990. The methodology adopted was the descriptive and analytical documentary. From the analyzed collections, records were selected whose information refers to the arrest, kidnapping and torture of pregnant and detained children. At the end of this study, it was verified that the archives of Terror and the Clamor Fund are very important to the recovery of the historical memory of the Chilean dictatorial period, as well as to the knowledge of the involvement of the brazilian military authorities, together with the Southern Cone countries, in the process of kidnapping, torture and disappearance of hundreds of political activists and their families, violating the human and democratic rights of these citizens.

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Brazil was a slavery state for more than 350 years. This practice was legally extinguished in 1888, but left its legacy. After the whole of the 20th century and two serious dictatorships, we lived the hope of better moments with the political opening begun in the 1980s, the promulgation of a Constitution in 1988 and with it, the strengthening of individual civil rights, inaugurating a new stage in the struggle for human rights. Despite the advances made in this letter regarding labor rights, social rights, and individual freedoms, Brazil still lived with denunciations of slave labor, and such cases did not represent a survival of the past, but were and continue to be during this century, an expression of this modern society, reaching seemingly unsuspected areas such as agroindustry and even in the metropolitan regions of Southeastern Brazil. The trace of possible permanence to be observed between the past and the present is not in the attempt of confrontation or comparison between the model of exploitation of legal labor extinguished in the nineteenth century and the criminal and morally damnable practice verified today; but in the perpetuation of a brutal social distance between rich and poor that makes the country, in Hobsbawm’s words, a monument to social inequality.

Thirty years after the promulgation of the so-called “Citizens Constitution”, the Brazilian political system suffers, due to endogenous factors, a serious crisis of legitimacy. Added to this crisis of legitimacy there is still a global crisis, exogenous factors, of the bond between parties and society. To understand the nature of this crisis, proposed in this article, is to try to understand how such a young democracy can, in addition to its peculiar characteristics, be affected by phenomena that reach advanced democracies.

This paper analyzes the social roles played by indigenous troops in the barbarian war (guerra dos bárbaros) in Brazilian Seventeenth century, emphasizing their roles as agents of the colonization or as its adversaries, and reflecting about the military performance as mechanism to generate agency by indigenous social actors. To fulfil this objective, we analyze the main strategies and military tactics employed by the indigenous societies involved in the war as much as by the colonial troops, looking also for the changes in indigenous military culture provoked by the contact with Europeans and the colonization itself. Our considerations are based in the study of administrative correspondence written by colonial authorities, specially Pernambuco’s Governor and the Brazilian General Governor, today archived in the AHU (Lisbon) and the Nacional Library (Rio de Janeiro); a collection of sources analyzed under the light of authors such as Pedro Puntoni, John Manuel Monteiro, Pierre Clastres and Sherry Ortner.

This article proposes a reflection on the picture of Kena Lorenzini to think ways of social resistance and the maintenance of memory about the missing during the military dictatorship in Chile. Photographs of women in public acts against dictatorship are especially important to reflect on ways to give visibility in public space to political repression, torture and censorship that characterized that period of recent history Latin America. The work of photographers and photographers organized in independent agency, such as the AFI where played Kena Lorenzini, helped to give visibility to the resistance and the Chilean civil society struggle for the return of democracy. Almost thirty years after the return of democracy, the Chilean cultural field continues to present visual productions that incite reflection on the State terrorism that struck the country between 1973 and 1988.

This work aims to analyze the café con piernas phenomenon from a pharmacopornographic perspective proposed by the philosopher Beatriz Preciado in her books Testo Junkie (2008) and Pornotopia (2010), understanding and adapting it as a part of a by-product of the radical installation of the neoliberal system in Chile during Augusto Pinochet’s military dictatorship, and its direct consequences on the democratic governments that succeeded it.

This article engages with the protection of human rights through networks in Chile that developed under Pinochet ́s civil-military dictatorship between 1973 and 1990, in a transnational context. As well as the good relations that the Popular Unity government had established with diverse governments through its embassies, the article suggests that there were other influential factors in the swift international support for the Chilean organizations established to assist the victims of the regime. It is argued that as much as the knowledge and contacts at the international level that had been generated by different church representatives in terms of refuge during the Popular Unity government, it was principally the impact generated by progressive sectors in Europe and Latin America with respect to the coup and the death of President Allende, that contributed to the immediate response of the international movement networks in support of the defence of Chilean human rights. Consequently, the ways in which international cooperation would function – from donor agencies, UN organisations, the World Council of Churches and diverse governments and international NGOs – were established in the early months following the coup, and would be maintained and consolidated over the following, almost 17 years of dictatorship. During this time, the Chilean human rights defence organisations, supported by international cooperation, learnt to operate as efficiently as possible, creating a modus operandi as well as a human rights culture, that had repercussions at the international level. This is illustrated by the work of FASIC. Finally, the article maintains that this culture has left its imprint on current social movements, where sectors of civil society, young people in particular, make claims for social, cultural and gendered rights that have been put off for a very long time.

The history of Chilean painting has been narrated by various hands and writing forms. Its history shows us different emphases and models that are the result of the vision and sensitivity of those who have participated in its construction. This paper reviews the theoretical contribution of diverse actors from the mid-nineteenth century to the years after the military dictatorship established in the country in 1973. It examines the way in which critical writing has evolved and its displacement from the media to the academic environment. On the other hand, it revises the historiographic model established by the critical Antonio Romera and his subsequent reformulations.

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In this article, I propose a comparison between the experiences of the Frente Amplio’s Base Committees in Uruguay and the Committees of Chilean Unidad Popular in the early 1970s. Both the FA and the UP constituted mass movements, that used a strategy of political mobilization through committees which had a broad popular basis. Since they were multiparty alliances, the committees of the Frente Amplio and of the Unidad Popular were frequented by militants and sympathizers of different forces, which sometimes caused friction and controversy. To carry out this comparison, I analyzed internal documentation of the political movements and press releases on them, as well as interviews with some of their former members. I could identify some polemics about these organizations real importance and its place in the party’s structure, revealing different positions within the left-wing forces in Uruguay and Chile.

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