RCAAP Repository

The reserve places with social and ethnic-racial stratification for Selection Processes, as an affirmative policy introduced in educational institutions, was one of the most remarkable achievements of social movements in recent years. In 2010, the agreement was approved that created the Entry mode for Jobs Reserve for access to undergraduate courses UFPB and formalized with the publication of Resolution No. 09/2010, Jobs booking forecast with clipping with social and ethnic-racial for Selection Processes, with input provided for the entrance exam of 2011. Thus, the study on Canvas aims to: discuss the implementation process of the entry mode for Jobs Reserve (MIRV) for access to undergraduate courses the Federal University of Paraíba describing the consequences of the implementation of this policy and to examine the intersection of Affirmative Action Policies in UFPB and regulatory documents that address the National Guidelines for Human Rights Education and the National Curriculum Guidelines drawing a parallel with pedagogical proposals from law school, Medicine, Engineering and Pedagogy seeking to ascertain whether there was any significant change in teaching practices. This research is inserted in the field of study interface on Education and Human Rights, and methodologically assumes a quantitative and qualitative perspective with a view to reviewing the practices experienced within the research institution, establishing references between the proposal submitted by university and the development of the quota policy. The analytical scope of this study we used the documentary analysis, where data collected were classified-indexed. In this sense, were raised, instruments, and documentary sources the evidence expressed in figures provided by the university studied, institutional and academic repercussions that the deployment of reserves for openings per ticket modality had on the institution's operating structure in the first three years implementation of that mode. The survey results indicate that the system adopted admitted the access of shareholders to university, providing the redistribution of the object, which is the access to education, without, however, provide concrete actions that would enable its permanence or to contribute to the fight against racism and discrimination and recognition of politics as a right.

This research sets out to analyse how experiences of school physical education and educational sport with young people and adults deprived of liberty have contributed to the promotion of human rights and education for citizenship, taking as its research field the Gregorio Bezerra State School in the Judge Placido de Souza Prison (PJPS), in Caruaru in the state of Pernambuco. We identified how the right to education and sport, present in national and international instruments for the protection of human rights, are being incorporated and implemented in the National Prison Policy by means of inter-ministerial activity involving the Ministries of Education, Sport and Justice. Our theoretical framework, constructed during our period of study on the Post-graduate Programme in Human Rights, Citizenship and Public Policy at the Federal University of Paraiba, is based on dialogue between Critical Theory represented by Paulo Freire in Brazil and Abraham Magendzo in Chile and its interaction with Education in and for Human Rights. Our methodology is based on a descriptive case study with a focus on a period of prison management between 2012 and 2014, involving quantitative and predominantly qualitative data. Data was collected employing documental and biographic research techniques as well as semi-structured interviews with school and prison managers and with the teacher of physical education, and the application of open questionnaires with students of the PJPS School deprived of their liberty. In order to analyse the data we used the technique of content analysis with the systematization of analytical categories in charts. The results of the study lead us to understand that school physical education effectively contributes to the acquisition of the values necessary for the formation of citizens and the promotion of a culture of human rights. We also observed that sport can contribute to the prevention of violence and to the promotion of health, acting as a pedagogical mechanism in the perspective of Education in Human Rights. However, education in prisons presents pedagogical failings with respect to its methodology, its curriculum and to the value given to those professionals involved in the process of re-socialization. The collective construction of a pedagogical proposal for Youth and Adult Education in spaces of deprivation of liberty is urgent, whilst respecting the specificities of each curricular component and the limitations imposed by educating in prisons.

Anche se Vecchio preoccupazione per la scomparsa di qualsiasi persona o le sue spoglie, solo in tempi moderni, Che la preoccupazione ha carattere globale. Come arma politica, sia da parte dei governi autoritari, sia come método di combattimento in guerre o civile, la sparizione forzata di persone provoca sistematicamente e programmato durante la seconda guerra mondiale, come pratica dell'azione dell'esercito tedesco nazista. La condotta disparizione forzata è stato sistematicamente utilizzato da governi militari o autoritari in conflitti civili in molti paesi Del Sud America, in particolare in Argentina, Cile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Perù e Brasile. In Brasile, la sparizione forzata rende i cosi detti crimini della dittatura, in cui gli agenti al servizio del brasiliano dittatura militarer apito, torturato, assassinato e sparivanocon i resti di circa 400 avversari governi dal 1964 al 1965. Tuttavia, lascomparsa non ha cessato in Brasile, una pratica ancora oggi da alcuni membri della pubblica sicurezza o da organizzazioni criminali. Questo lavoro si propone di analizzare il reato disparizione forzata di persone Allá giustizia di transizione in Brasile, in particolare Il meccanismo di presentazione per i casi di sparizione forzata ai tribunali. Viene utilizzato come método di documenti di analisi internazionali (trattati) e lavoro teorico. Inizialmente per discutere Il concetto internazionale, dallo sviluppo del comportamento della scomparsa di persone come una forma sistemática di arma politica. Successivamente, analizziamo i principali trattati internazionali in matéria di sparizione forzata di persone e la giurisprudenza della Corte Interamericana dei Diritti Umani (in seno all'Organizzazione degli Stati americani) come tema di gravi violazioni dei diritti umani. Dopo, Le fatture saranno considerate che propone di creare il reato di sparizione forzata di persone nel sistema giuridico brasiliano, oltre a studiare Il concetto di criminalità permanente e lacriminalità continua. In um capitolo successivo, analizza la pratica e lo sviluppo di una giustizia di transizione in Brasile, vale a dire Il concetto, i meccanismi di tale giustizia e fatti e le politiche Che hanno interessato Il paese ai giorni festivi. Concludiamo presentando la possibilita giuridica di portare i responsabili di gravi violazioni dei diritti umani, in particolare la sparizione forzata di persone durante Il período di regime militare brasiliano, dal momento che sono crimini contro l'umanità, dunque imprescrittibile, e la natura permanente o continuando la sparizione forzata di persone, che, mentre manca la vittima non fermò l'esecuzione e gli effetti giuridici della condotta criminale.

Health Promotion is considered an important strategy for overcoming the development of purely curative and individual actions aimed at health, which are characteristic of the biomedical model. The same proposes the development of care, preventive and promotional health. However, this proposal reflects numerous obstacles, among them stands out the conceptual aspect, which was being shaped over the years from the development of understanding of the concept of health. Based on the scope of health promotion, the School Health Program was created in 2007, the same propose to the articulation of the Family Health Strategy with the school and it is proposed to integrate and link the two sectors with actions that aim to improve the quality of life of students in basic education schools. Thus, the present study was to identify the program inconsistencies from the design of health promotion that it incorporates in confront the understanding that the World Health Organization has about the same which is based on seven principles, which are: holism, intersectionality, empowerment, social participation, equity, multi-strategy actions and sustainability. This is a bibliographic and documentary research. Data collection occurred in the period from January to June 2014. Initially a literature review was conducted through a prior reading of titles and abstracts of articles, dissertations and theses contained in the scientific material to be defined. The collection was conducted with the Scielo databases ; Bireme ; Lilacs ; Medline and Cochrane Library , and the descriptors were used: health promotion; school health ; School Health Program ; Health strategy and school health . 35 articles and eight dissertations were obtained . This step was followed by desk research. As a result was obtained that: can not identify specifically that health promotion is adopted as nuclear center of the program; there is the definition of a concept of health promotion, before there is a mix of concepts that can be seen from the recommended actions; the structural difficulties faced by the FHS compromise its operation; predominates the trend of personal guilt is individual as your reality, is the professional regarding the commitment to the success of the proposed actions; do not see the incorporation of the seven principles defined by the WHO; the preponderance given to the health sector to conduct the proposed actions indicates serious weakness; the actions that stand out are the healing and promotion actions are confused with prevention. Therefore, identifies the importance of commitment to the critical evaluation of the program and the involvement of many other sectors of the political sphere and the active participation of individuals to the development of actions that are consistent with the broader concept of health and can focus the social determinants.

This work deals with human rights education, with the object of analysis to public school, especially education experiences in human rights, created from the More Education Program of the Ministry of Education, held in Singapore and systematized in the course monographs Specialization in Integral Education and Human Rights of Citizenship and Human Rights Center UFPB in the 2013-2014 period. The work has as main objective to analyze the student production of Integral Education Specialization Course on Human Rights, in order to understand the inclusion of human rights education in the More Education Program. The specific objectives, aims to: contextualize and systematize the pedagogical approach of the Integral Education Specialization in Human Rights NCDH-UFPB; map the problem searches for monographs on human rights and analyze the theoretical and methodological perspective adopted in monographic studies in relation to human rights education. As methodology, the study was based on a qualitative research through literature review and documentary involving the monographs of Integral Education Specialization Course on Human Rights. The inclusion of human rights in comprehensive education programs favors transversal in the curriculum in basic education.

In this research, we studied the learning of democracy in the context of Class Council, according to the guidelines of the Institutional Pedagogy (IP), in order to demonstrate the feasibility of a Human Rights Education (HRE) for pedagogical practices that model. The hypothesis created was that democracy learning is possible in the Class Council, provided they take into account the practices and training of HRE, as well as the fundamental principles and IP devices. To evaluate this hypothesis, it has been considered that Human Rights (HR) and democracy go together and showed up as contribution to Human Rights Education (HRE), from its definition, its foundations, its historical and its challenges (BITTAR, 2007, 2009; BENEVIDES, 2007; CARBONARI, 2007; COMPARATO, 2010; DALLARI, 2007; VIOLA, 2007). As a pedagogical proposal for the learning of a democratic culture in school, defended by (ARAÚJO, 2002; BOBBIO, 2000, 2004, 2006; BRANDÃO, 2013; CELLIER, 2000; PERRENOUD, 2005; ROSENFIELD, 1999; SAVIANI, 2009; TOSSI, 2013)). On the other hand, point out the contribution of the Institutional Pedagogy (IP) through the principles and devices, the main theoretical (ANDRADE, 2009; CAMINHA, 2012; HÉVELINE; ROBBES, 2009; IMBERT, 1994; OURY; SANCHES, 2002; VASQUEZ, 1967; 1977; PAIN, 2009, 2010, 2012;) competing for a HRE as a viable democratic practice this articulation. The methodology consisted of a case study to investigate the learning of democracy that had school practices involving the class council according to IP: the first, recorded in documentary of a private school in France; the second, recorded on video in a public school in Paraiba, Brazil. Addition, the result was: democracy learning is possible, as well as its construction in school spaces (among them, the Class Council according to PI), intrinsically associated value human rights, with the participation of people in decision-making possible to be shared.

The current work aims at studying the relation between the right to work with the dignity of human beings based on the concepts of the subject of law, collective citizenship, human rights and decent work. The dissertation intends to defend the possibility of universalization of the right for decent work respecting the development of each civilization. It is a bibliographical study that criticizes the liberal and occidental perspective of human rights and that contradicts an intercultural perspective of such rights as a way to its universality. The arguments of those who defend the possibility of immediate effectiveness of the right for decent work have been analyzed and compared to the arguments of the ones who understand decent work as mere rule. The division of human rights in two international agreements is criticized, one related to civil and political rights and the other related to the social economic and cultural rights, reassuring the inability to separate these rights. The text criticizes the liberal perspective that has in the capitalist market its basis, and opposes an intercultural perspective, which has in the solidary economy one of its hypothesis of universalization of the right for decent work. It is concluded that there is no absolute obstacle to the possibility of the universalization of the right for decent work, but it depends of a fundamental change in the political, economic and cultural system, currently hegemonic.

Brazil is positively acknowledged for their important contributions in the construction of the international rules of promotion and protection of human rights. Participated actively in the process of drafting the Universal Declaration and the Covenants and Conventions major Human Rights. It bears significant international reputation in this field to be considered confident multilateral interlocutor. Moreover, Brazil's foreign policy has become governed since 1988 by an innovative Federal Constitution, which establishes, among others, that the Brazilian international relations must be submitted to the principle of the primacy of human rights, which, by legitimate constitutional power impose themselves on any extra interests would also legitimate. In this context, Brazil joined the Human Rights Council of the UN from its establishment in 2006. This thesis aims to analyze the Brazilian position with the Human Rights Council of the UN, during the period 2006 to 2011, the first two terms of Brazil this multilateral body. The central question is the role of Brazilian foreign policy at the Council is in line with the principle of the primacy of human rights in international relations? Parties and the hypothesis that, despite evident contradictions in the Brazilian position within the Human Rights Council, especially as the votes of Brazil in situations of human rights violations in specific countries, their performance is measured, in part, to the demands of the above principle. In this direction, was structured this thesis into four chapters. In the first chapter, it is to present a historical overview of Brazil's role in the construction of the Global System for protection and promotion of human rights process, and present the main challenges in Brazil to promote the realization internally rights that helped building. In the second chapter, we seek to describe the Human Rights Council of the UN, its features, its institutional setting, its responsibilities and composition as well as its working methods, aiming to contextualize the Brazilian performance. The third chapter presents the constitutional principle of the primacy of human rights in international relations, which serve as a lens from which the role of Brazil in the Council will be analyzed, to then analyze the performance of Brazil in the Council human rights for the duration of their terms (2006-2008 and 2009-2011), especially regarding their participation in votes related to the adoption of new international human rights, the human rights situation in specific countries, the special sessions in periodic review sessions from other countries, as well as Brazilian initiatives in the Council. The methodology used is essentially bibliographic and documentary, based on publications on the subject, as well as the analysis of the minutes of Council meetings in Geneva.

Beginning with the principle that literature is a symbolic system of inter-human communication, that has a mobilize function and thus aggregate political consequences. In this work, we pretend problematize the relation of history,literature and human rights from the book OsBrutos(1938) of José Bezerra Gomes (1911-1982). The mentioned work aims to identify the aspects of the narrative that portray the society and the local culture, with focused in the social criticism elaborated by the author. José Bezerra Gomes is part of a generation of writers and literary segment (literature of 1930),that had as a esthetic element, commitment to the truth of the facts and the commitment to expose and denounce the marginalization form social inequalities.Accordingly making him a protagonist of the fight for human rights.

The policy councils are spaces for dialogue between state and society, whose aims are the democratization of public policy management and social control of civil society on governments. The bodies collegiate permanent and deliberative (or only advisory). In Brazil, there are already established councils at national, state and municipal levels, in several areas. It is understood that policy advice adds features of representative democracy, participatory and deliberative. Supported on this premise, the present study aims to analyze the importance of the National Human Rights Council in strengthening democracy in Brazil from 2009 to 2012. This council is one of the oldest in the country because it was created in 1964, fifteen days before the military coup. So if inquires: the National Council for Human Rights is an instrument of reinforcing democracy in Brazil from 2009 to 2012? In order to answer this question is adopted qualitative research, by the methods: hermeneutics and discourse analysis. The study was carried out the historical background of democracy as a political regime, in order to examine, especially the main features of representative democracy, participatory and deliberative. There was the institutionalization and the role of the National Human Rights Council in social participation in Brazil. It was emphasized the history and the work of this Council in the promotion and protection of human rights in Brazil. Through the analysis of the minutes, the bylaws, reports and council working legislation was possible to observe the argumentative process, the foundation of deliberative theory, through speech acts and political speeches made by the participants of the meetings of these spaces as well how to observe the participation and performance of the council. The survey results show that this advice was an instrument for strengthening of representative democracy, participatory and deliberative in the analyzed period; demonstrate, however, that much can be done to increase the effectiveness of democracy in that body, such as: increasing it greater autonomy from the government and making efforts for the creation and strengthening of the Human Rights Councils in the states and municipalities.

El aborto es una discusión extensa y antigua que atraviesa las diferentes áreas del conocimiento, abarcando las teorías feministas, de género y de sexualidad. El presente trabajo hace un análisis de los diferentes procesos políticos cerca de las leyes sobre aborto en Brasil, teniendo el Congreso Nacional como el principal panorama que concentra las más controversias sobre la cuestión. Para mejor comprendernos la actual coyuntura, es hecha un pasaje por las proposiciones legislativas de la década de 1940 hasta los días actuales en el ámbito de la Cámara Federal. Bajo una perspectiva antropológica, podemos decir que se trata de una realidad de todas las sociedades, pues es parte del proceso de desarrollo de la reproducción humana, la diferencia reside en cómo cada sociedad lida y naturaliza su práctica. A partir del panorama de las prácticas abortivas en el mundo, constatamos que la mayor cantidad de abortos que ocurre en el mundo son en los países que criminalizan su práctica, en su mayoría en situación de ilegalidad. De una década para la otra la discusión del aborto solo se amplia y viene ocupando cada vez más el espacio público. Sin embargo, una característica típica de los años 2000 está siendo el crecimiento de proposiciones que objetivan aumentar la pena de aborto, como también crear nuevos tipos de delitos relacionados a su práctica en Brasil, lo que genera un panorama constante que afronta a los derechos de las mujeres. Entre los principales protagonistas que asumen la discusión pública del aborto, hay las diferentes organizaciones feministas, instituciones religiosas y profesionales de las diversas áreas del conocimiento, y las ideas que permean el Congreso Nacional, representan algunas de esas fuerzas políticas, así como, es posible identificarnos los temas que concentran las mayores controversias sobre la discusión. Viene ocurriendo cambios en el campo de la representación religiosa en el Congreso Nacional, y las vertientes evangélicas viene presentando un crecimiento del número de parlamentares. Lo que está directamente conectado con el poder de intervención de las representaciones religiosas en los procesos de disputas electorales y de relación inconstitucional de la religión hegemónica cristiana en las estructuras del Estado. Además, no hay un posicionamiento único de las iglesias frente al aborto, y la Iglesia Católica permanece como institución que presenta un posicionamiento de completa condenación a cualquier forma de aborto, lo que no representa la misma realidad en el curso de su historia. Vivemos en un país que entre todas sus contradicciones, por una protección “la vida” se genera una máquina de matar personas, y los temas relacionados a la perspectiva sagrada de la vida, subsidia los discursos religiosos y las proposiciones legislativas. Ser a favor de la vida, se presume, es concordar en reducir los números de abortos y de muertes de mujeres víctimas de la práctica insegura e ilegal. Para que posamos enfrentar a las realidades sociales generadas en torno del aborto, es necesario desconstruirmos los mitos que fueron creados históricamente, y apropiarnos de los conceptos que puedan esclarecer y posibilita una mejor comprensión sobre la cuestión del aborto como tema que excede el derecho.

With the enactment of the 1988 Federal Constitution, the concept of employment has been extended and uncut to hold the idea of the quota system for disabled access to positions and jobs, public and private. This system of affirmative action currently unfolding force as the constitutional prohibition of any discrimination, both with respect to wages as the admission criteria of the disabled worker, established since the paragraph XXXI of art. 7 this brazilian Policy Letter. It happens that, according to Decree No. 3,298 / 99, which regulates Law No. 7,853, of October 24, 1989, which provides for a National Policy for the Integration of Persons with Disabilities, people with mild disabilities are not considered disabled for purposes of this legislation, as is the case of people with monocular vision and unilateral deafness. To exclude the protection of these persons with disabilities, the normative act collides head-on with full employment, constitutionally guaranteed value and with the Decree n ° 6949/09, by which Brazil ratified the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with disabilities and its Optional Protocol, signed in New York on March 30, 2007 this scenario, the object of this dissertation is the case law and the rules relating to matters relating to access to employment for people with disabilities carriers of monocular vision and deafness unilateral, in accordance with the realization of the principle of full employment and consistent with international norms of human rights protection. As a result of this analysis, we propose a scheduling in three degrees of disability (severe, moderate and mild, pursuant to Art. 3 of the Supplementary Law No. 142/13) for the purpose of consideration of admission into procurement at the federal level. It is complex and urgent issue that demands attention and specific affirmative action policies, because the current time requires immediate correction of social injustices. Considering especially the case under consideration, there is the establishment, direct or indirect implications of continuous and impeding the full development of individuals and society as a whole; substantiating such a situation in the event of unconstitutionality to be quelled in the light of careful human rights of people with mild disabilities constitutional hermeneutics.

Notre étude a pour but d'identifier, à travers des discours contenus dans les temoignages policières et dans les procès criminels, les motivations des hommes de la ville de Iguatu, qui est situé à l'intérieur du Ceará, de pratiquer la violence contre les femmes dans la sphère conjugale. Il s'agit d'analyser les justifications alléguées par les supposés hommes qui ont agressé ses compagnons et les symboles de la masculinité qui envahissent la violence domestique. La présence de l'amour\affection comme substrat des relations conjugales, la domination masculine, les symboles de la masculinité, les pratiques de l'homme du "sertão", ainsi que le droit interne et international qui protègent le droit des femmes ont été les sujets abordés dans ce travail pour atteindre le profil et les motivations de l'homme dans les situations de violence, à la lumière d'un point de vue masculin. Nous présentons encore les influences sociales et culturelles et la façon dont elles se manifestent dans la formation de symboles masculins qui marquent la violence conjugale.

Questions concerning the traditional communities, from the perspective of human rights are an important issue in Brazilian society, especially in the current context. Thus, in order to contribute to a deeper investigation into ethnic groups this dissertation aims to analyse the construction process of the ethnic territoriality of maroons in the Quilombo Community Ipiranga. The now investigated community is located in the municipality of Conde, in the mesoregion of Mata Paraibana. In this investigation, initially, we register the path of struggle of black people in Brazil through its resistance and the conquest of rights. Regarding the Quilombo Community Ipiranga, we seek to analyse the traditional process of occupation of its territory, as well as forms of traditional use of the territory, such as agriculture, fishing and hunting. We also emphasize the process of struggle and resistance experienced by the inhabitants not to be expelled from their traditional territory. As an outcome of this process of struggle, we discussed the meaning of self- recognition as Maroons and the importance of cultural elements, such as the coco de roda Novo Quilombo, in the construction of ethnic identity. From the theoretical and methodological point of view, working in interdisciplinary perspective, we conducted a literature review on the topic in documents and bibliographies. Fieldwork was also a vital part of the research for allowing us to elucidate the objectives investigated in the community. The chapters that make up this dissertation were based on those methodologies. Thus, research has enabled us to affirm the importance of territory for social reproduction and ethnic identity of the community. In this sense, we call attention to the lengthy administrative processes of land tenure in the country and the need for expansion and realization of the entitlements of quilombo territories.

The privation period of freedoms and rights, established by the Civil Military Jab of 1964, contributed to the "forgetfulness" or "silent" of the memories. In this subjective and selective movement of the memory, that can "remember" or "forget", the human right to the memory of adults education in authoritarian Brazil is put in evidence. In this perspective, the present research of Right Humans Master/PPGDH/UFPB, of the Public Politics in Education in Right Humans Research Line, purposes to rebuild the education memory of the Brazilian Alphabetization Movement/MOBRAL, starting with the analyses of the legal and institutional documents that presents the ex-participants narratives of this movement. With this objective, the adopted methodological process is the bibliographic research, using the speech analyses to the collected memories and data interpretation. To found the study, we revolved some authors as LeGoff (2012), Halbwachs (2006), Bosi (1994), Pollak (1989), Silva (2003), Galzerani (2004), about the memory. About the interface between the Right Humans and the memory right, we used Barbosa (2007), Comparato (2007), Ferreira (2007, 2014), Sader (2007), Silva; Tavares (2010), Silveira (2007), Viola (2007, 2010), a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (1948), The National Plan of Education in Right Humans (2007), and others as source. About the MOBRAL, we were based on Paiva (1973); Freire (2011, 2013) e a Jannuzzi (1983) and institutional documents of the movement. And in the historical context of 1960’s beginning to 1985, was comprehended by the optic of Saviani (2008), Germano (1994), Romanelli (1983), Cunha e Góes (1985). With the MOBRAL memories reconstitution, we verified that the military regimen denied, to the adult students, the right of a critical and asker education, leaving to then an incomplete education or "by the half", resented of pedagogic knowledge and making, turned to the emancipation by the word. The right to a freedom education, inspired in Freire’s pedagogy of emancipation by the awareness/action has been denied to then. In this configuration, the MOBRAL represents a regression in the adults alphabetization history.

This study examines the occurrence of corruption in Brazil and the role of the State Public Prosecutor aiming at its combat, from 1988 to the present day (2014). The research conducted an investigation of the origin, formation and expressions of corruption in national public stage, beyond the historical reconstruction through theoretical and descriptive method. Aiming identify the mechanisms to combat corruption, was shown how the national democratic state based on rule of law is structured. It was pointed out the importance of citizenship as a powerful tool in fighting against this phenomenon. At the end of this demarche, the research analyzed the institution of the State Public Prosecutor and its performance fighting against corruption. Indeed, was shown that several paths can be traced to building an effective fight against this evil, so present in our societal context. Thus, this dissertation has the main objective to study the performance of the Brazilian State Public Prosecutor to fight against corruption and understand how this institution has worked and performed its prerogatives and functions effectively. Here, in brief, the nature, content and purpose of this research work.

The BolsaFamília Program is currently the main strategy used to coping to poverty through monetary income. After program execution nationwide, conducted research has demonstrated the growth of consumption access and to basic social rights such as health, education, feeding and social assistance. The discussion on poverty, expressed in many types of vulnerabilities and dependency on state policies, for much of the population, it is still a challenge for scholars and planners. This dissertational work aims to understand, through literature and involved themselves - the beneficiaries - whether that program provided or propitiates, in fact, social inclusion and autonomy. The first expression, Social Inclusion, made up of Sposati (1996) which links the social minimum established a basic pattern that includes both dignity and citizenship ideas. Regarding autonomy, evidence of the study Pinzani and Rego (2013), who argue that it is the perception of themselves as subjects able to make free choices. It is, therefore, a field research that has privileged qualitative aspects, in which, considered to define the subjects, they should have the minimum time of five years as the beneficiary. It was found that the guaranteed rights and the services available in the Social Assistance Policy are still little known to its users, becoming a challenge to be analyzed by professionals and researchers. Therefore, that social inclusion is expressed through the guarantee of monthly deposit that opens up access to the consumption while the autonomy is characterized by the possibility of acquiring goods aimed for survival, especially access to food and clothing aspects up then absent in the trajectory of these social subjects.

The present Master's Dissertation entitled Social Issues and the inflections in the professional practice of the social worker in the Promoters of Justice, which aims to analyze the repercussions of the social issues about the professional practice of the Social workers in the Prosecutors of Justice correlating these to the ethical-political project of the profession.In specific terms, it aims to comment the process of constitution of the social issues in Brazil and the consequent opening of the field socio-juridical for the profession of Social work as from the 1988 Constitution; discuss about the tools and techniques used by professionals in the work routine, and ravel their political dimension in the context of the Prosecutors of Justice. Methodologically, it is a theoretical bibliographic and documentary research. It’s based in the theoretical and methodological perspective of revisit the available literature about the theme from the study about the socio-juridical field in the reports and articles published in the I, II and III National Meeting of Social Work in the Public Ministry. The study also evidence other documents and articles published about the theme. To the reach of the objectives proposed, the theoretical research was based in the study of categories, such as: social issues, socio-juridical field, judicialization of the social issue and professional practice of the social worker.The access to the literature studied provided a greater knowledge about the theme, although it is recognized that the production of the knowledge in socio-juridical field is still scarce, and it constitutes labor market in expansion for the Social worker.The analytical considerations elaborated around the repercussions of the "social issue" about the professional practice of the Social worker in the Public Ministry requested a historical study of insertion of the profession in the socio-juridical and socio-occupational area in specific. It also required analyzing the current situation, which indicates that the societal transformations have not served to increase the opportunities for fruition and distribution of product of the collective work, thus, aggravating the expressions of the social issues. Based in studies, attested the growing institutional demand, especially in organisms of Justice by the intervention of the professional social worker, based on individualization of attendance. The materiality of the main demands within this institutional universe, attributed to the social worker occurs in attendance the victims of violence and in the inspection of social welfare entities, evidencing the character controller of the institution. In addition, this study suggests that the insertion of Social worker in this context presents the possibility that from the professional intervention in critical perspective it is possible to bring the contradictions inherent in the current production process. In conclusive terms, it is verified that the reflection of the contributions derived from the bibliographic study that indicates to increasing insertion of the judicialization of social issue in the panorama socio juridical and facing this reality, challenges are put to the critical professional practice.

The dissertation proposes a discussion about the forms of expression of the conservatism in the professional practice of the social workers from the CRAS of João Pessoa-PB. The study has as a research subject the social workers that work in the Reference Center of Social Assistance (CRAS) of the municipality of João Pessoa, whose time frame is the year of 2015. The research is characterized for being of a qualitative and quantitative nature, grounded in theoretical sources of the critical-dialectical dimension, for the apprehension of the movement of the reality. We approach in this way the forms of expression of the conservatism, since its “classic” form until the contemporary versions, that renews and expand its expressions in the framework of the Basic Protection of Social Welfare Policy, because we believe that the professional practice is signed in conservative relations in the social welfare policy, which assume operational characteristics guided by intervention mechanisms that end up reproducing conservative traits that, in turn, serve segments of the ruling class. Thus the policy of social work reproduces the control of social relations, insofar as it emerges as “anti-poverty” compensatory programs, assuming a selective and fragmented character that merely minimizes the levels of impoverishment.

With the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988 and the advent of the magnifying of the social rights and consequently the change in the management of the politics of social cut in Brazil, the question of the intersectoral starts to be each more present time in the academic debate. In this direction, some social politics currently bring in its agendas the proposal of the intersectoral. Among them, the politics of Health and Social Assistance are distinguished, which, when pointing with respect to the proposal intersetorial, leave evident the necessity to materialize the integral protection that informs the Brazilian system of Social security. From these reflections, this study it searched to analyze the strategy of the intersectoral as mechanism of joint in the criminal actions of Health and Social Assistance in the City of Cajazeiras-PB. In this direction, we analyze the conceptions concerning the intersectoral from the speech of the professionals who act in the ESF and CRAS I and II of the related city. The sample was intentional and the criterion of eligibility for delimitation of the group of professionals, was the fact to be has at least one year in the assistance or health service. In this manner, 14 professionals had been interviewed, being 08 (eight) professional ones that they act in the teams of ESF I and II, and 06 (six) professional that they act in CRAS I and II. Amongst the professionals, we detach: 02 Social Doctors, 02 Nurses, 02 Dentists, and 02 Coordinators, who act respectively in the teams of ESF I and II, and two Assistants, two Psychologists and two Coordinators, who act in CRAS I and II. We also objectify, to identify the challenges of the intersectoral in the field of the politics of Health and Social Assistance, looking for to evidence of that way the professionals come contributing with the effective of the intersectoral in the daily one of its action. The methodology for the accomplishment of this study if based on a descriptive exploratory research with qualitative boarding. For in such a way, we use the interview technique, with application of an instrument previously elaborated I contend subjective and objective questions, after the assent legalized verbally and in writing. The collected data had been processed of the point of view qualitative and analyzed through the content analysis, leaving of the thematic analysis. Although the texts of the public politics are consensuals on the relevance of the intersectoral, the interviewed professionals demonstrate that its concretion still is challenging, a time that coming up in a contradictory environment marked by the impediments in the management of the politics and the services. In this perspective, we consider that the intersectoral finds limits in such a way to be materialized in the work developed for the team of the ESF how much in the CRAS, therefore the boarding of the social problems occurs in fragmented way and the attempts of intersectoral joint between the public politics are scarce, prompt and compensatory.