RCAAP Repository

It’s a point of agreement in historiography that images circulated around the territories of the multicontinental Portuguese monarchy. Despite much of what’s been written on the matter of usage and appropriation of images, few studies have explained the reasons that made painters in Portuguese America adopt as iconographic models representations that were widespread in Portugal and its domains. This article attempts to provide an in-depth discussion about the circulation of such images in 1700’s Portuguese America, having as corpus the iconographic collection of Church of the Third Order of Carmel of Recife, Pernambuco, with a special attention to the works of João de Deus e Sepúlveda.

There was a close connection between the expansion of the press and experiments with new pedagogical strategies in the early industrial age. An expanding public school system required textbooks thus creating a whole new category of demand which appealed to printers who always on the lookout for reliable markets. At the same time, literacy was increasingly understood to be a desirable characteristic for a productive, patriotic citizenry. For a period of five years or so in the 1820s, several sons of important Spanish American patriot leaders were sent abroad to study in a progressive school called Hazelwood, near Birmingham in the heart of industrializing England. While there, the boys and their friends wrote and published a monthly periodical called the Hazelwood Magazine that clearly imitated the contents of professional newspapers andshared the underlying values of the medium.

On January 15, 1624, a tumult broke out in Mexico City, forcing the viceroy to leave the royal palace to save his life. As a result, the Real Audiencia took over the functions of government of the New Spain until Philip IV appointed another viceroy, prompting bitter debate on both sides of the Atlantic and accusations from each side. Who was responsible and what were the causes of the rebellion that had in effect overthrown the Marquis of Gelves? These questions underlie the research presented in this article, which aims to analyze two versions of the riot written between 1624 and 1629 and attributed to the viceroy. In terms of methodology, the proposal will examine both documents seeking answers to those questions and comparing them. In so doing, we have noted a subtle but significant difference: the second version emphatically denied the popular character of the tumult. We then proceed to show how such a denial occurred in order to offer a hypothesis for that change. Our hypothesis holds that there was a shared understanding of sovereignty in Iberian world that made it possible for Gelves to deny the popular character of sedition. He did it for two purposes - to defend his reputation and heritage, and to ensure that the Spanish royal authority over New Spain had not been broken. This became more relevant as conflicts in Europe increased in the 1620s and others countries threatened the overseas domains of Spain.

During the transition from the 1970s to 1980s, a period marked by the resurgence of collective movements in Brazil, the populations of several municipalities located on the banks of the Guaíba-Patos lagoon system found ways to express and assert their concerns regarding the potential pollution produced by a large industrial complex, through activities held right from the first public announcements of its construction. This article is made possible due to more comprehensive interdisciplinary research, which recounts the first phase of the environmental history of this development in Rio Grande do Sul, through interviews, consultation of public and private archives and field work: the 3rd Petrochemical Pole. The major features of the heated public debate the project generated are outlined within the scope of the II National Development Plan (in force during the civil-military dictatorship, and seeks to better understand the debate and clash of ideas manifested during this project, the forerunner of a complex of chemical plants that have now been in operation since 1982 in the cities of Triunfo and Montenegro. It is argued that at a time when environmental standards were scarce throughout the world, the actions and discourse of environmentalists, politicians, technicians, and the population in general were able to push for rigorous protection of the water needed to, among other uses, supply the population of Porto Alegre. These struggles led to the establishment of pragmatic milestones in national environmental protection measures: the pioneering environmental impact study and the resulting method for treating liquid effluents from the Pole.

We intend to explore in this article the Spanish presence in the Amazon from, mainly, from the journals produced by this community in the city of Manaus, trying to understand the dimensions of its ethnic diversity, the actions and activities they undertook in the city and that structured the process of integration and assimilation of them within the Amazonian society.

The anti-clerical expressions of the last decades of the 19th century in Uruguay ended in the so-called crisis of 1901. The events of that year showed a new anti-clericalism, which was also visible in France, Spain and other cities of the Southern Cone of America. On the one hand, the empowerment of the Catholic Church and public expressions of faith fuelled the opposition. The discourse and the “anti-obscurantist” actions were filled with rage. On the other hand, new actors were associated with classical anticlericalism, mainly anarchists who applied direct action also in their resistance to the Christian faith, and Methodist Protestants, who assumed the most radical contradictory positions that were known in the country. 

The arrival of a significant number of Portuguese immigrants to the Amazonian capital and their performance in the period comprised by the expansion and decay of the rubber export economy is taken as a motto for understanding the disputes and ethnic and national conflicts that materialized in the formation of the amazonian proletariat during the years 1890-1930. In spite of the insistence of working-class leaders to reaffirm working-class internationalism, relations between Portuguese and Brazilian workers in Manaus were tense throughout the period and often assumed worrying radicality, to the point of recalling the “fora galegos” movements that took place in various regions of Brazil in the second half of the nineteenth century. The article used the press as its main source, where it was possible to see that the use of derogatory expressions and adjectives thrown to the Portuguese – “galegos”, “pés de chumbo”, etc. – remained a common practice in the city, and was quite amplified among the workers, especially at the time of economic collapse, turning ethnic tensions into one of the most sensitive issues hindering the formation of a workingclass cohesive in their dimensions of organization, mobilization and struggle.

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

--

-

-