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In this article, we deal with the connections and relations established by the American countries with the International Labor Organization in the interwar period. The framework of the relationship was set in two parallel instances: at the International Conferences of ILO member countries and the Conferences of American Countries, also known as Pan American Conferences. Those meetings took place in parallel and with their times. While the ILO was a recognition of situations and problems common to Latin American countries, the Pan American Conferences incorporated the issue of Labor and workers into the topics to be discussed. Here we deal with the processes of mutual recognition and the need to establish common behavioral guidelines for Latin America and within international organizations.

This article is divided into two sections. The first section is dedicated to the study of the Pan American Union, with emphasis on the presentation of its central objectives. One of these goals was to create a sense of unity among the different countries of Americas. In the second section, a publication from the Pan American Union will be analyzed - the collection entitled “Pan American Patriots”, will be analyzed. In this article it will be argued that the Pan American Union sought to foster the idea of pan-Americanism, which gains a past that has since embraced much of the countries of the Americas. The article is included in the area of the history of historiography and is based on the analyzes developed by the decolonial studies.

This article examines two academic trips made by US experts to Argentina during World War II. Ralph Steele Boggs, a folklorologist at the University of North Carolina who arrived in Buenos Aires in 1940; and Edward Larocque Tinker, a doctor of literature recognized for his Sunday columns in the New York Times, who arrived in 1945. Both were agents of the “Pan American unit”, established contacts with local institutions and carried out different activities. Through internal documents and publications by the Boggs host institution in Argentina and the private archive of Edward Larocque Tinker, I discuss how the academic articulate the Pan American speeches with the national identity representations that are in full expansion for this period and the effects on the American society.

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The Peace Code was a proposal by Mexican diplomacy, especially Alfonso Reyes, to build a legal instrument capable of agglutinating the previous treaties and agreements and providing it with greater effectiveness by creating permanent instances to intervene in case of conflicts in the continent. As this article intends to show through the documentation of Alfonso Reyes, its origin and development during the 1930s was related to the decision to turn Mexico into a skilled negotiator of the Pan American Conferences. Thus, through a case study little analyzed so far, the role of Mexico in the triangulation between the hegemonic desires of the United States and Argentina can be observed. This is intended to strengthen the interpretations that analyze Pan-Americanism as a complex plot of multiple negotiations, demystifying the idea that it was a scenario where Latin American countries had little influence and low negotiation capacity.

This work addresses the history of Pan-Americanism focusing on a particular case: the commercial activities and the advertising discourse of the American company called the National Paper and Type Co. This  company monopolized the exports market for printing machinery and products mainly paper and ink manufactured in the United States for distribution throughout Latin America. It was the main supplier of the raw materials with which the most prominent newspapers in the region were printed. While dominating this market, this company built the scaffolding structure of the public sphere. Was an active disseminator of the Pan-American discourse that took the opportunity to secure customers, promote a business culture in Latin America typical of Anglo-Saxon society and promoted a mentality that encouraged consumption. The kind of Pan-Americanism that manipulated this company promoted a very important discourse prone to the appreciation of Latin America and strengthened the links proposed by that utopia of proximity that imagined a united Pan-America. This commercial and cultural intermediary built a communication bridge that would contribute to the strengthening of a transnational public sphere.

Criticism of Imperial foreign policy is growing at the end of the Empire of Brazil by members of the Liberal Party. In common, both monarchists liberal and republicans accused the Saquarema diplomacy of being anti-American. At the end of the intervention cycle at River Plate, the call for greater continental approximation had grown since the 1860s. Based on the analysis of parliamentary, diplomatic and Council of State annals, as well as journalistic sources, this paper will focus on the analysis of panamericanism in Brazilian liberal thought in the last decades of the nineteenth century. We will argue that, from the axiological differentiation between liberals and conservatives, the Panamericanist discourse was a constant in the thought of the former. It is no coincidence that they are, when in power, responsible for the continental rapprochement of the nascent Republican diplomacy.

This article analyzes the concept of pan-americanism present in the organization and execution of the Pan-American International Exhibition of Buffalo, New York, in 1901. Remembered foremost as the site of the assassination of President McKinley by an anarchist activist, the exposition was also notable for its imperialist tone that demonstrated the limits of pan-americanism. The exposition theme was characterized by the use of color and electricity that demonstrated the power of technology and the abundance of natural resources across the hemisphere. The Buffalo Exposition was also distinguished by the prominence of evolutionary ideologies evidenced by the ethnographic displays along the Midway. This essay outlines the central ideas that shaped the development of the Pan American Exhibition Company in organizing the event.

The article investigates the municipal elections of Sant’Anna do Livramento, in Rio Grande do Sul, in 1915, conjuncture of crisis in the economy, in which a new split took place within the Republican Party Rio Grandense (PRR), questioning the command of the President of the State Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros. If at the state level the dispute was starred by Ramiro Barcellos, disgusted with the choice of Hermes da Fonseca to run for the senatorial seat, thanks to Senator Pinheiro Machado’s manipulations, Colonel João Francisco Pereira de Souza - formerly powerful commander of the 2nd Provisional Regiment stationed at Cati Barracks until 1909 -, failed in private business and broken with Borges and Flores da Cunha since 1910, was trying to return to public life, with Pinheiro Machado, who died in 1915, as his main ally. The episode illustrates the dynamics of power relations in the Borgian RS as well in the old PRR.

The article seeks to reconstruct and critically analyze how the crisis of constitutional thought of the First Republic unfolded on the level of the History of Ideas. The objective of this study is to rescue the debates that took hold of Brazilian legal intelligence during the 1920s, showing the different perceptions of the crisis of liberal discourse in Brazil from the lens of its jurists.

This article aims, at first, to offer an analysis of the phenomenon of Bolsonaro government - a set of proposals and values associated with the political rise of Jair Bolsonaro to the government of the Republic. Secondly, there will be a preliminary discussion about the character of the Bolsonaro government and the alliances that support and sustain it.

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The investigations about the works and the trajectories pursued by a heterogeneous group of intellectuals, writers and professionals exiled because of the Spanish Civil War, have reported to us the postponed opportunity to know their creations and understand the conditions that their projects developed for the sake of a long-awaited progress and modernity in terms of equity. These emancipatory experiences, individual or collective of feminine and feminist organizations, reflect in turn the political and socio-cultural enthusiasm in Spain in the first third of the twentieth century. However, their aspirations were severed after the contest and relegated in exile in the shadow of their spouses, relatives or colleagues in terms of prominent figures in politics, culture and different branches of knowledge. In this context, we address the personal and, therefore, political trajectory of Concha Méndez: poet, writer, editor and cultural disseminator in Spain and in America, who along with Manuel Altolaguirre devoted his time and dedication to the dissemination of his intellectual group.

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